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Schizotypy represents an index of psychosis-proneness in the general population, often associated with childhood trauma exposure. Both schizotypy and childhood trauma are linked to structural brain alterations, and it is possible that trauma exposure moderates the extent of brain morphological differences associated with schizotypy.
Methods
We addressed this question using data from a total of 1182 healthy adults (age range: 18–65 years old, 647 females/535 males), pooled from nine sites worldwide, contributing to the Enhancing NeuroImaging Genetics through Meta-Analysis (ENIGMA) Schizotypy working group. All participants completed both the Schizotypal Personality Questionnaire Brief version (SPQ-B), and the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ), and underwent a 3D T1-weighted brain MRI scan from which regional indices of subcortical gray matter volume and cortical thickness were determined.
Results
A series of multiple linear regressions revealed that differences in cortical thickness in four regions-of-interest were significantly associated with interactions between schizotypy and trauma; subsequent moderation analyses indicated that increasing levels of schizotypy were associated with thicker left caudal anterior cingulate gyrus, right middle temporal gyrus and insula, and thinner left caudal middle frontal gyrus, in people exposed to higher (but not low or average) levels of childhood trauma. This was found in the context of morphological changes directly associated with increasing levels of schizotypy or increasing levels of childhood trauma exposure.
Conclusions
These results suggest that alterations in brain regions critical for higher cognitive and integrative processes that are associated with schizotypy may be enhanced in individuals exposed to high levels of trauma.
Is North East England really a coherent and self-conscious region? The essays collected here address this topical issue, from the middle ages to the present day.
Lithium is viewed as the first-line long-term treatment for prevention of relapse in people with bipolar disorder.
Aims
This study examined factors associated with the likelihood of maintaining serum lithium levels within the recommended range and explored whether the monitoring interval could be extended in some cases.
Method
We included 46 555 lithium rest requests in 3371 individuals over 7 years from three UK centres. Using lithium results in four categories (<0.4 mmol/L; 0.40–0.79 mmol/L; 0.80–0.99 mmol/L; ≥1.0 mmol/L), we determined the proportion of instances where lithium results remained stable or switched category on subsequent testing, considering the effects of age, duration of lithium therapy and testing history.
Results
For tests within the recommended range (0.40–0.99 mmol/L categories), 84.5% of subsequent tests remained within this range. Overall, 3 monthly testing was associated with 90% of lithium results remaining within range, compared with 85% at 6 monthly intervals. In cases where the lithium level in the previous 12 months was on target (0.40–0.79 mmol/L; British National Formulary/National Institute for Health and Care Excellence criteria), 90% remained within the target range at 6 months. Neither age nor duration of lithium therapy had any significant effect on lithium level stability. Levels within the 0.80–0.99 mmol/L category were linked to a higher probability of moving to the ≥1.0 mmol/L category (10%) compared with those in the 0.4–0.79 mmol/L group (2%), irrespective of testing frequency.
Conclusion
We propose that for those who achieve 12 months of lithium tests within the 0.40–0.79 mmol/L range, the interval between tests could increase to 6 months, irrespective of age. Where lithium levels are 0.80–0.99 mmol/L, the test interval should remain at 3 months. This could reduce lithium test numbers by 15% and costs by ~$0.4 m p.a.
Lithium was first found to have an acute antimanic effect in 1948 with further corroboration in the early 1950s. It took some time for lithium to become the standard treatment for relapse prevention in bipolar affective disorder. In this study, our aims were to examine the factors associated wtih the likelihood of maintaining lithium levels within the recommended therapeutic range and to look at the stability of lithium levels between blood tests. We examined this relation using clinical laboratory serum lithium test requesting data collected from three large UK centres, where the approach to managing patients with bipolar disorder and ordering lithium testing varied.
Method
46,555 lithium rest requests in 3,371 individuals over 7 years were included from three UK centres. Using lithium results in four categories (<0.4 mmol/L; 0.40–0.79 mmol/L; 0.80–0.99 mmol/L; ≥1.0 mmol/L), we determined the proportion of instances where, on subsequent testing, lithium results remained in the same category or switched category. We then examined the association between testing interval and proportion remaining within target, and the effect of age, duration of lithium therapy and testing history.
Result
For tests within the recommended range (0.40–0.99 mmol/L categories), 84.5% of subsequent tests remained within this range. Overall 3-monthly testing was associated with 90% of lithium results remaining within range compared with 85% at 6-monthly intervals. At all test intervals, lithium test result history in the previous 12-months was associated with the proportion of next test results on target (BNF/NICE criteria), with 90% remaining within range target after 6-months if all tests in the previous 12-months were on target. Age/duration of lithium therapy had no significant effect on lithium level stability. Levels within the 0.80–0.99 mmol/L category were linked to a higher probability of moving to the ≥1.0 mmol/L category (10%) than those in the 0.40–0.79 mmolL group (2%), irrespective of testing frequency. Thus prior history in relation to stability of lithium level in the previous 12 months is a predictor of future stability of lithium level.
Conclusion
We propose that, for those who achieve 12-months of lithium tests within the 0.40–0.79mmol/L range, it would be reasonable to increase the interval between tests to 6 months, irrespective of age, freeing up resource to focus on those less concordant with their lithium monitoring. Where lithium level is 0.80–0.99mmol/L test interval should remain at 3 months. This could reduce lithium test numbers by 15% and costs by ~$0.4 m p.a.
This study examined lithium results and requesting patterns over a 6-year period, and compared these to guidance.
Background
Bipolar disorder is the 4th most common mental health condition, affecting ~1% of UK adults. Lithium is an effective treatment for prevention of relapse and hospital admission, and is recommended by NICE as a first-line treatment.
We have previously shown in other areas that laboratory testing patterns are highly variable with sub-optimal conformity to guidance.
Method
Lithium requests received by Clinical Biochemistry Departments at the University Hospitals of North Midlands, Salford Royal Foundation Trust and Pennine Acute Hospitals from 2012–2018 were extracted from Laboratory Information and Management Systems (46,555 requests; 3,371 individuals). We categorised by request source, lithium concentration and re-test intervals.
Result
Many lithium results were outside the NICE therapeutic window (0.6–0.99mmol/L); 49.3% were below the window and 6.1% were above the window (median [Li]:0.61mmol/L). A small percentage were found at the extremes (3.2% at <0.1mmol/L, 1.0% at >1.4mmol/L). Findings were comparable across all sites.
For requesting interval, there was a distinct peak at 12 weeks, consistent with guidance for those stabilised on lithium therapy. There was no peak evident at 6 months, as recommended for those <65 years old on unchanging therapy. There was a peak at 0–7 days, reflecting those requiring closer monitoring (e.g. treatment initiation or results suggesting toxicity).
However, 77.6% of tests were requested outside expected testing frequencies.
Conclusion
We showed: (a) lithium levels are often maintained at the lower end of the NICE recommended therapeutic range (and the BNF range: 0.4-1.0mmol/L); (b) patterns of lithium results and testing frequency are comparable across three sites with differing models of care; (c) re-test intervals demonstrate a noticeable peak at the recommended 3-monthly interval, but not at 6-monthly intervals; (d) Many tests were repeated outside these expected frequencies (contrary to NICE guidance).
This book is part of the ‘Regions and Regionalism in History’ series produced by the North-East England History Institute, which was an AHRC Research Centre between 2000 and 2005. The publication series is the most enduring legacy of the Centre and continuing activity of the Institute. The contributors to this volume have conducted their research as members of NEEHI, which since its founding in 1995 has been a productive framework for bringing together the work of regional historians in the five universities of northeast England: Durham, Newcastle, Northumbria, Sunderland and Teesside. We are also grateful to the Institute of Medieval and Early Modern Studies at Durham for providing a financial contribution towards the costs of the book's production. The majority of the contributors to this volume completed doctoral projects on aspects of north-east England's early modern history. Our aim in creating this collection of essays is to bring the research conducted for these related PhD theses together and to contribute to the published historical literature on the region; one member of the group of research students at Durham University who has been unable to contribute because of her career in commercial research is Judith Welford, whose ESRC-funded PhD on the production and consumption of consumer goods in North-East England, c.1680–1780 deserves to be highlighted here and is referenced through the volume.
All the contributors would like to thank those who read and offered constructive advice on their chapters. We would all like to thank Pat Hudson for chairing the conference at Durham in 2012 at which many of the findings in this book were first presented and Keith Wrightson for his Foreword. A great supporter of the project, and early modern history in the north-east of England in general, was the late Chris Brooks. This volume is dedicated to the memory of Chris, who supervised or otherwise encouraged many of the contributors to this volume during his time as professor of history at Durham University.
Our ultimate aim, beyond the important task of researching the history of north-east England, is to highlight the ways in which the study of one particular region can illuminate wider debates in economic and cultural history and contribute to a new depth of understanding about the relationship between economic processes and cultural formations.
By
Adrian Green, completed an AHRC-funded PhD at Durham University in 2000, supervised by Chris Brooks in History and Matthew Johnson in Archaeology, on housing in the Durham region between 1570 and 1730.
Farming mattered as much as coal mining in the making of the British world. Agriculture furnished the food while coal provided the fuel for England's early industrialisation and subsequent Industrial Revolution. Despite unprecedented levels of urbanisation and a rising population, Britain largely fed itself during the eighteenth century. This national achievement rested upon regional specialisation in agriculture, and farming was integral to the economy and culture of early industrial north-east England. Hughes described Tyneside as England's ‘oldest industrial region’ with ‘an agricultural shell’. Across the north-east counties of Durham and Northumberland there was a graduated agriculture from hills to coast, orientated on feeding the working population in the industrialising districts on Tyneside and Wearside, as well as export. Commercial farming for a cash profit at market came to characterise even upland farming. A centralising and rationalising force, market-orientated farming was as prevalent on the upland fells reserved for summer grazing, with hay and fodder grown in newly enclosed fields on the valley floor, as it was on the richer loamy soils of the lowlands, enclosed to produce greater quantities of grain, particularly rye, oats and wheat, as well as specialist crops of rapeseed, mustard and flax. Farming for the urban-industrial market encouraged meat production, with affordable beef and cheap mutton from cattle and sheep selectively bred to suit regional soils and meet the consumption demands of a regionalised food market. These processes culminated in that wonder of the early 1800s, the Durham Ox. Yet the use of land and livestock for profit brought not only the exploitation of animals but the marginalisation of smaller landholders, as the creation of larger farms forced many to become dependent upon waged labour and purchase their food. Historians have tended either to celebrate the achievements or denigrate the consequences of commercial farming. As with coal mining, pride and regret are only partial routes to historical understanding. In their stead, we can investigate agriculture as a part of regionalised economies and cultures.
Agriculture and regionalization
The emergence of a market economy in agriculture contributed to the creation of an integrated region. Food supply created webs of connection between north Northumberland and south Durham; from the Pennine fells and Border hills to the North Sea coast.
By
Adrian Green, completed an AHRC-funded PhD at Durham University in 2000, supervised by Chris Brooks in History and Matthew Johnson in Archaeology, on housing in the Durham region between 1570 and 1730.,
Barbara Crosbie, completed an AHRC-funded PhD at Durham University on generational dynamics and politics in eighteenth-century Newcastle upon Tyne in 2011.
This volume explores the economy and culture of those who lived through one of the earliest episodes of industrialisation. Two centuries before the cotton mills of Manchester, an early Industrial Revolution occurred on the coal field of north-east England: emerging in the later sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, maturing in the eighteenth century and providing the platform for everything that was to be built on the Great Northern Coal Field of the nineteenth century. Much of this industrial infrastructure would be dismantled in the later twentieth century. Yet, historically, the area was among the first industrial regions in the world, a vital node in the larger region of north-western Europe, in which the conditions for industrial society more generally took hold. This early industrial revolution was accompanied by agricultural and consumer revolutions – all of which turned upon the exploitation of coal. But explaining the region's economy and culture in terms of coal alone overlooks the complexity and changing character of activity between 1500 and 1800 and obscures the processes of change that forged the region. Historical preoccupations with the origins of the English working class and of organised labour can lead us to miss the cultural dynamics that initially created the conditions historians have denigrated and solidarities often still celebrated. In looking beyond coal and class, the essays collected here offer a series of perspectives on early modern north-east England. This introductory essay sets these studies in the context of regionalisation as a transformative force in early modern Europe.
As part of the North-East England History Institute's ‘Regions and Regionalism in History’ series, this volume adds to the research presented in Regional Identities in North-East England 1300–2000, edited by Green and Pollard. That study was focused on finding evidence for self-conscious regional identities and conclusively demonstrated that you can search too hard for something that was not there. Only with the advent of broadcasting in the twentieth century did the familiar articulation of a self-conscious ‘North-East’ appear, and only in the context of contemporary preoccupations with political devolution amid a broader cultural response to electronic communication at the turn of the twenty-first century did ‘identities’ suddenly become a pressing concern among regional historians. In a more face-to-face world, dominated by work rather than communication, identities did not require endless self-reflection. Before 1800, only the innovation of commercially printed newspapers provided a mechanism for anything like an imagined regional community.