MM40/69/3188 Musical Instrument

The elders identified this object as a musical instrument called n//uqace (figure 13.1). They said it is made from the wood of a mongongo nut or manketti tree (Schinziophyton rautanenii). The bent sticks are made from brandybush (Grewia flava), and the strings from the sinew of any animal. Gaps are sealed with beeswax or ground lily bulb (Ammocharis coranica) (figure 13.2). It is made by men and played by men and women. A small strung bow was inside the object, but the elders said that it was used to play a different instrument because they play this instrument with their fingers and thumbs, as demonstrated by Joa Cwi (figure 13.3). It is generally made by the person who plays it, and it may be played at any time, including all through the night, not only on special occasions.

MM40/69/1429 Musical Bow

We presented the elders with a bow labelled as a musical instrument. They explained that the bow used for music is also used for hunting. Only men play the bow, and if yours does not make a good sound you can borrow someone else’s. A porcupine (Hystrix africaeaustralis) quill or piece of grass is used to play it. Tsamkxao ≠Oma demonstrated how the mouth is opened and closed to make different sounds (figure 13.4). You control your breathing and produce different sounds from your throat.

MM40/69/1645 Horns Used as a Container For a Substance Conferring Luck and as a Whistle

The elders were shown a group of horns, and explained that two of these horns are carried by a man. One contains medicine to stop the rain and to bring you luck, and the other is empty because it is used as a whistle (figure 13.5). We asked about the rain charm. What is the powder inside made from? They replied that when lightning strikes something you will find things that look like ice, and you collect them. You boil them in water until all the water has evaporated. You pound the remaining substance and store it in the horn. It will make you lucky.

The history of the San has been the subject of numerous books, academic articles and documentaries. The term ‘San’ itself, widely used now, results from an etymological odyssey in which historical events, anthropological thinking, historical linguistics and political correctness have all played a role. In this book we will use the term San because this is the term mostly used nowadays by San people when referring to themselves collectively, and not as a specific ethnolinguistic group, such as !Kung or Khwe. This preference was explicitly stated by delegates of the Working Group of Indigenous Minorities in Southern Africa and the South African San Institute attending the 2003 Africa Human Genome Initiative conference held in Stellenbosch.

All San groups speak a Khoisan language and currently live in and around the Kalahari Desert, which encompasses regions belonging to Namibia, Botswana, Angola, Zimbabwe, Zambia and South Africa. Botswana has the largest San population (c. 50 000–60 000), followed by Namibia (c. 38 000) and South Africa (c. 7 500). San populations were already present in southern Africa well before the arrival of Bantuspeaking pastoralists some 2 000 years ago, and archaeological, linguistic and genetic evidence indicates that they were already there in the remote past. Similarities between Later Stone Age and historical artefacts suggest a continuity in cultural adaptation going back at least 20 000 and possibly 40 000 years. Although there is considerable diversity of language and cultural identity between different San groups, a degree of similarity has been recorded in the past, and to some extent still exists, in their subsistence strategies, technologies, forms of social organisation and spiritual world. The traditional San economy was highly influenced by and adapted to the seasonal environments of central southern Africa, which led to the creation of mobility patterns, effective resource exploitation and particular kinship systems based on a balance between ownership and sharing of resources such as water, honey, veld food, meat and material culture. Commonalities also exist in the worldviews of different San groups, and in their beliefs about the way in which humans may establish contact with and influence the hereafter.

MM40/69/178A, B, E, H Toy Arrow Points And Linkshafts

When presented with this collection of arrows and linkshafts the elders identified them as toys made of wood for children (figure 10.1). They explained that the dots were made by putting something in the fire to burn into the toys, to replicate the dots of poison that a hunter puts on an arrowhead. We asked if the metal points were real and they replied no, all of them are toys. The metal-tipped arrow would have been made for a boy to shoot birds and lizards with. They explained that these are not made for boys to practise real hunting; for that purpose the arrows are made from the root of a bush called g/urube (Rhus tenuinervis or Searsia tenuinervis, Kalahari currant). We noticed that some of these objects were made of bone, and that the dots on some of them appeared to be spots of a dried black liquid, in some cases well preserved, and on others only present in the form of a stain.

In Fourie’s notebook he writes at length about how young boys learn to use a bow and arrow, and follow an extended process of education culminating in initiation into the role of hunter:

MM40/69/1537, MM40/69/1557A, MM40/69/1557B Leg Rattles

We presented the elders with three objects labelled leg rattles. They consist of a set of cocoons held together by two strings perforating their ends, and contain small fragments of ostrich eggshell and stones that produce a noise when the rattle is shaken. The elders identified the first item (MM40/69/1537) as a dance rattle used by their group (figure 12.1). They said the other two rattles (MM40/69/1557A and MM40/69/1557B) are San but not from their group (figures 12.2–12.3). We asked if the cocoons are available in all seasons. We collect them in austral autumn, the elders said, when there is only a little bit of rain. When they collect them, do they eat the larvae, or is it just to make rattles? The larvae inside are edible, they said; we cut them open to take the larvae out, and put them to one side to fry later. They explained that to make a rattle with the cocoons, you dig a small hole in the ground, put the cocoons inside and cover them with wet sand. You bury them for maybe an hour, then you take them out and start to put them together using a rope made from African spear plant (Sansevieria cylindrica) (see chapter 7, figure 7.5). You take one, you make a hole in it, you put in stones, and you go on. Were we correct in thinking that they don’t use only stones, but also the leftover production of the ostrich eggshell beads? Yes, they said. We referred to the rattles we had looked at in Dou Pos village; they included some ostrich eggshell waste and some little pebbles (figure 12.4). We asked if this is something that they do systematically, or if it can be just stone, or just ostrich eggshell. The elders said that in the past people would use only ostrich eggshell. Putting stones in the cocoon is a new thing, and nowadays they are mixed with the eggshell waste because they make a better sound than the ostrich eggshell only. According to Louis Fourie’s notes, ‘Nu-//ein put in eggshell chips, while Hei-//om put in larger stones. Naron only four small light stones, while ≠Ao-//ein mix stone and eggshell chips’. We asked if they use glue to seal the opening.

Ancestral knowledge of the oldest known hunter-gatherer communities is preserved by a few remaining San elders living in the Kalahari Desert. While it is the subject of numerous research accounts, the richness of San material culture has rarely been documented in detail, and never through the eyes of the people themselves. Our book represents the first attempt to document that knowledge by presenting to San elders the world’s largest assemblage of their artefacts, collected a century ago, and now housed at Museum Africa in Johannesburg, South Africa. Explanations of the meanings and uses of these artefacts given by the elders provide a novel perspective that enriches scholarly knowledge on the past and present San way of life. By accompanying their narrative with high-quality photographs of the described items, archived black-and-white images, and contemporary examples of the use of these objects, we initiate the reader into all aspects of this ancient and vanishing culture.

This book is the result of a trip made in 2013 by four San elders from the Kalahari Desert region of northern Namibia, invited by us in our capacity as archaeologists, to examine a century-old collection of San artefacts, and describe in their own words the manufacture, use and meaning of traditional artefacts collected by Dr Louis Fourie between 1916 and 1928 in that region. A medical officer in the Protectorate of South West Africa, now Namibia, Louis Fourie worked in direct contact with groups of San, during which time he amassed the world’s largest collection of San artefacts. Extraordinarily for that time, he kept a notebook and a descriptive catalogue detailing the ethnolinguistic affiliation and social customs linked to the objects he collected, as well as processes involved in their manufacture and use; he also documented photographically the different stages of production of many types of artefacts, and often labelled who had made them. Meticulously catalogued by him, the Fourie Collection, comprising over 3 000 artefacts, is now housed at Museum Africa. Because of his endeavours, at a time when San had little contact with the outside world, he was able to acquire first-hand knowledge of their culture.

During their visit to Museum Africa the elders rediscovered objects last seen in their childhoods, and told stories inspired by their handling of the objects.

In 2009 we visited the McGregor Museum in Kimberley, South Africa, to make a study of ancient organic artefacts from Border Cave. We found that many of the objects looked remarkably similar to items of historical San material culture, so we arranged the following year to study the century-old Fourie Collection of Kalahari San material culture housed at Museum Africa in Johannesburg. In addition to finding many parallels between the archaeological objects from Border Cave and items in the Fourie Collection, we discovered that even though many objects were identified in the catalogue of the collection, their function or meaning was unclear or unknown. We thought it a great pity that valuable information was lacking from this unique archive. Francesco had the idea of inviting San elders to the museum to discuss the items with us, and documenting their comments on film. In this way their knowledge of the objects, expressed in their own language, would be preserved; English subtitles would make their commentary accessible to viewers who did not understand the language they spoke. In our capacity as archaeologists, we would glean further information from them through question-and-answer sessions focused on items in the collection.

We thought that it would be best to have the input of two women and two men; one of the men should be a traditional hunter because hunting equipment is prevalent in the collection, and the other a traditional healer or shaman able to explain the meaning of esoteric objects. Although numerically objects related to hunting are more represented in the collection than objects used by both genders or only by women, they are all present in the collection, and in the literature more emphasis has traditionally been placed on hunting equipment than on domestic activities. We hoped that the women could inform us about objects related to typical female activities (bead production, cooking practices), but also about less touched upon categories, and give us a female view on typical male activities. Louis Fourie had gathered the objects from the Kalahari Desert, and it was therefore clear that the elders would need to come from this region, which today includes south-western Botswana and eastern Namibia.

We arrived at the main entrance of Museum Africa at 9 am on Monday 22 April 2013, where we introduced Tsamkxao ≠Oma, Dawid Cgunta Bo, Lena Gwaxan Cgunta and Joa Cwi, the San elders who would be our informants during the coming week, and our translator, ≠Oma Tsamkgao (Leon), to the curator of the Fourie Collection, Diana Wall. We also introduced the film crew and other members of the team who would record the details of the objects to be discussed. Once the viewing area was set up and the film crew started filming, each of us introduced ourselves to the group, and Lucinda and Francesco said a few words about Louis Fourie and the collection. (For a description of how the viewing area was arranged and the objects displayed and handled by the elders, see the box on page 36.) We then discussed with the elders and the curator how best to organise the work of examining the objects and discussing the elders’ interpretations of them. In every session we would follow the same procedure: each object was passed to the elders and we asked a series of questions about it, starting with whether they could identify the object, its function, who made it, who used it, and where and when this happened. We then asked more detailed questions about its manufacture and, if pertinent, about features of the object such as burning, decoration or colour. Finally, we asked about the symbolic meaning of the object, and concluded by asking the elders if they had a story to tell concerning that type of object. The elders discussed each object they were shown intensively, inspecting it closely, and handling some objects with great familiarity.

Mm40/69/1205 Iron Awl With a Wooden Handle

The first item presented to the elders was labelled by Fourie as an awl. It comprises a thin pointed iron rod hafted in a wooden handle (figure 4.2). The metal inserts into a broader cuff, along which is an area that has fine incisions highlighted by black infill. Traces of burning mark both ends of the handle. The elders identified the object as San, but not Ju/’hoansi, and suggested that it might have been made by San in contact with Bantu-speaking people.

MM40/69/952 Perfume Necklace

When the elders were shown a string of ostrich eggshell beads interspersed with small organic beads, they immediately identified it as a scented necklace (figure 9.1). We asked what the organic beads were, and they identified them as a type of root called nt*xai sah, which is an ingredient used in making a perfume called ghi. They said that the corms are not for decoration; they are worn for their perfume. Cyperus longus or C. margaritaceus are probably represented. They are not edible, but have cosmetic, deodorising properties, as does Kyllinga alba, another likely candidate. The necklace is usually worn by women, but men can wear it too. We asked how the corms are collected. The leafy part of the plant is known to the San, they said, so when they see it they use a digging stick to find the corms, which do not occur singly but in clusters. We wondered if all of the corms would be removed, or only those of a particular size. The elders said that all of them would be removed, and once back at camp sorted according to size for a necklace, while those remaining would be crushed for making perfume.

This object stimulated a discussion about innovation. We asked the elders about the reasons that would motivate a woman to integrate the corms into an ostrich eggshell necklace when nobody else does it that way. Their answer was that when someone makes something new, the others may copy her. When she wears the new necklace, and people visit her, they will smell the perfume and ask about it, and she will explain that these are the roots used for perfume, and that she decided to make a necklace out of them. If they like it, they will adopt the new way. We pointed out then that her explanation appeared to us in contradiction to what they had said on the second day, about adopting a new type of bow that would allow men to shoot animals from further away than their own type (see chapter 5). In that case they had said that they would have tried the new bow but, even if it was more effective, they would always come back to using their traditional bow.

MM40/69/1194 Grooved Stone For Ostrich Eggshell Beads

Figure 5.1 shows Gwaxan Cgunta putting on strings of ostrich eggshell beads that would have been smoothed using a grooved stone. She identified this object as the tool used to shape a string of ostrich eggshell beads (figure 5.2), and demonstrated the way in which it was used in a to-and-fro motion on top of the strung beads. Figure 5.3 shows a grooved stone used by a woman in Botswana to smooth ostrich eggshell beads, and figure 5.4 shows how it is placed on top of a string of beads on a plank of wood and repeatedly drawn down the plank to smooth them. The elders added that they would not use the object as an arrow straightener. We observed that unlike the stones used for straightening arrow shafts, this piece is made of sandstone, and the groove shows evidence of abrasion, highlighting the whitish matrix containing sand grains polished by use-wear.

MM40/69/1197 Horn Hammer For Shaping Ostrich Eggshells

An animal horn (figure 5.5) was placed on the table and the elders were asked if they knew what it was used for. They identified it as belonging to a wildebeest (Connochaetes taurinus), but said that they had no idea what its function was. Based on the striations and wear on the shaft of the horn (figure 5.6) we identified it as a hammer used to shape ostrich eggshell blanks. One of Fourie’s photographs shows someone using a wildebeest horn to trim ostrich eggshell blanks (figure 5.7), and we observed a woman in Kacgae village in Botswana using a wildebeest horn for this purpose (figure 5.8). Nowadays most women use nail clippers to shape the blanks.

MM40/69/890 Knife and Sheath

Tsamkxao ≠Oma and Cgunta Bo identified this object as a typical San knife (figure 5.9). We asked whether it was entirely made by San, or if the blade was acquired from another group, and they confirmed that the blade and the wood were manufactured by San. For the blade, they would pick up a suitable piece of iron lying in the veld – they said that white people leave iron wherever they go – or acquire it through trade with black people, or as a gift; they would warm it in the fire and hammer it into shape.

MM40/69/92 Fire Sticks

This object, labelled as a fire stick and comprising three pieces (figure 6.1), was not considered by the elders as belonging to their group. They said that they might have used the reed as a tgitno, a pipe handle for smoking, but would not have made a fire lighter in this way. A number of features indicated to us that this was nevertheless a composite hand drill used to make fire. The wooden board displays a burnt pit with two adjacent notches to diffuse the heat laterally. The tip of the drill has a burnt end that corresponds to the size of the pit on the wooden board, and its opposite end has been thinned to insert into the reed shaft. Sinew has been wrapped around the end of the reed to avoid splitting under pressure during use.

MM40/69/1989 Fire Board and MM40/69/1032A Drill

Tsamkxao ≠Oma and Joa Cwi immediately identified these objects as a fire board (figure 6.3) and a drill used to make fire, but said that their group does not use these woods because they are not available in their area. George Silberbauer reports the use of Catophractes alexanderii for the upper fire stick among the G/wi. Tsamkxao ≠Oma demonstrated how the sticks are used (figure 6.4), and in doing so mirrored a photograph taken by Louis Fourie of a man doing the same thing a century ago (figure 6.5). We know that equipment used to make fire is kept in a hunter’s quiver, so we asked whether fire sticks were only for men. They replied that this was indeed the case, and not for all men, only some. What happens if a fire dies and the men are away? A woman would call her oldest son, or one who she thinks may be able to make fire, and show him what type of wood to use and how to do it. Alternatively, she could ask for fire from a neighbour. However, Leon pointed out that the loss of fire was unlikely because the fire never dies in a village.