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To satisfy requirements for continuing professional education, workforce demand for access to large-scale continuous professional education and micro-credential-style online courses is increasing. This study examined the Knowledge Translation (KT) outcomes for a short (2 h) online course about support at night for people living with dementia (Bedtime to Breakfast), delivered at a national scale by the Dementia Training Australia (DTA).
A sample of the first cohort of course completers was re-contacted after 3 months to complete a KT follow-up feedback survey (n = 161). In addition to potential practice impacts in three domains (Conceptual, Instrumental, Persuasive), respondents rated the level of Perceived Improvement in Quality of Care (PIQOC), using a positively packed global rating scale.
Overall, 93.8% of the respondents agreed that the course had made a difference to the support they had provided for people with dementia since the completion of the course. In addition to anticipated Conceptual impacts (e.g., change in knowledge), a range of Instrumental and Persuasive impacts were also reported, including workplace guidelines development and knowledge transfer to other staff. Tally counts for discrete KT outcomes were high (median 7/10) and explained 23% of the variance in PIQOC ratings.
Online short courses delivered at a national scale are capable of supporting a range of translation-to-practice impacts, within the constraints of retrospective insight into personal practice change. Topics around self-assessed knowledge-to-practice and the value of positively packed rating scales for increasing variance in respondent feedback are discussed.
IN 2014, MARK ORMROD RECEIVED THE generous award of just under $300,000 from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation for an ambitious and innovative new project, building on his enormous success in funding and managing similar initiatives such as the ‘Medieval Petitions’ project, and, more recently, the ‘England's Immigrants’ project, to say nothing of his involvement in ‘The Parliament Rolls of Medieval England’ (i.e. PROME) and the ‘Records of English and Welsh Lay and Clerical Taxation’ projects. This new grant was to enable digitisation of the extant registers of the archbishops of York, 1225–c.1650, held in the University of York's Borthwick Institute for Archives, and launch them online with a searchable index, making them freely available worldwide. Mark devised this project through his belief in the intrinsic value of this source and what it could reveal of the interaction between church, state and society during four hundred years and more of English history. As well as giving an outline of the project and how it has radically increased availability and facilitated access to the registers for a much wider audience than before, the discussion in this chapter demonstrates the possibilities for future research using examples mainly drawn from the fifteenth to the early seventeenth century registers.
The registers of the archbishops of York – whether in roll format, such as the register of Walter de Gray, archbishop from 1215 to 1255, or as codices, like the register of William Melton, archbishop from 1317 to 1340 – all record the various types of business carried out by the archbishop or his officials within the province and diocese of York. Many entries found in the registers contain copies of documents issued in the name of the archbishop or received by him, including for instance those that throw light on relations with the monarchy. These include significations of excommunication, requests for invocation of the secular arm of the law in certain cases of contravention of ecclesiastical law and failure to come to that law, or simply prayers for the king's undertakings, particularly in wartime. Other entries highlight the intersection of the secular and spiritual worlds, most obviously in the matter of the taxation of the clergy which, although carried out separately from that of the laity until the mid-seventeenth century, nevertheless indicated the reach and power of the state.
Henry VIII arrived in Guînes at a new temporary palace, complete with towered foregate and gilt classical-style fountain and pillar as an admirable frontage. It also included a galleried passage to Guînes Castle for additional lodging for the king and his household. Some of the accompanying nobles were lodged in the palace and others in tents. Meanwhile Francis I had arrived at Ardres, a similarly small town that could not accommodate all, and many were likewise in tents and temporary pavilions. The French king had temporary lodgings erected for himself within the territory of an old castle outside Ardres which comprised a mast-supported pavilion complete with ornamentation of starry heavens and surrounded by yew bushes for a green-garden effect.
Tuesday 5 June
Henry's court went from Guînes to Ardres in an elaborate procession led by Cardinal Wolsey. This event is portrayed on the façade of Hôtel de Bourgtheroulde, Rouen.
Wednesday 6 June
Francis's court went from Ardres to Guînes in a reciprocal visit led by Cardinal Adrian Gouffier de Boissy and his brother Guillaume Gouffier, Admiral Bonnivet. This event is also depicted in the Rouen bas-reliefs.
Thursday 7 June
The two kings met for the first time. Each king, lavishly dressed in cloth of silver and damasked cloth of gold, departed from his own lodgings, timed to meet at the same moment in front of a cloth of gold pavilion that had been set up in the Vale of Andren. They were both accompanied by equally lavishly dressed courtiers and footmen.
Neither king wore any arms or armour. However, Henry was preceded by Thomas Grey, marquess of Dorset, bearing the king's sword of state, and Francis was preceded by Charles III, duke of Bourbon, Grand Constable of France (Grand Connetable de France), bearing the French sword of state. This was planned, but the way the French sword was carried caused a minor incident. Both should have been carried upwards in their scabbards. However, the French sword was out of the scabbard, with blade visible. ‘When it was perceived that the Franch king's sword was borne naked, then the king of England commanded the lorde marques Dorset to drawe out the sword of estate and bear it up naked in presence, which was so done’.
The Field of Cloth of Gold was a summit meeting held in the summer of 1520 at which Henry VIII, king of England, and Francis I, king of France, jousted, tourneyed and fought on foot against knights of both courts. It was the first time that the two young kings met and it served to demonstrate to each other that they were physically powerful potentates. It is interesting to assess how these two kings reacted to each other. This chapter will uniquely consider the arms and armour of the two kings and their participation in the combats of the Field of Cloth of Gold. Rather than being suspicious of each other and acting as rivals, we can see the two kings revelling in each other’s company, in every sense.
The tournament was named after the magnificent and very costly cloth-ofgold pavilions embellishing an otherwise drab setting in the Pale of Calais, a wetland region in northern France captured by Edward III and the only part of mainland France to remain in English control at the end of the Hundred Years’ War. It was one of the most extraordinary tournaments of the period. Even today it is a byword for chivalry and extravagance. The scene-setting for the Field of Cloth of Gold was certainly elaborate. The palace, pavilions of cloth of gold and the tournament lists (arenas) were erected especially for the event and removed afterwards. It is remarkable that no physical trace of the tournament remains today.
The political and diplomatic intentions, planning, organisation and implications of the Field of Cloth of Gold have been discussed and put into context by French and English historians. There are numerous and sometimes contradictory primary sources including reports, accounts of revels, letters and chronicles. Sir Richard Wingfield was appointed ambassador at the French court and his letters to Cardinal Wolsey and to King Henry VIII are revealing as he reports candidly on King Francis I during the organisation of the tournament. The most detailed English source is Edward Hall, whose Chronicle, first printed in 1548, is invaluable as it uses an eyewitness account. A standard French source, the memoir of Guillaume du Bellay, together with various pamphlet commemorations, offers information about the sequence of events.
This essay, however, will consider a unique eyewitness source: the Maréchal de Fleuranges.
1. In consequence of the numerous accidents to noblemen, sharp steel not to be used as in times past, but only arms for strength, agility and pastime.
2. The challenge to commence 11 June, and continue for a month, or so long as the two kings shall be together, when the said gentlemen will answer all comers with blunt lances in harness, with pieces of avantage cramponées ou non cramponées, without any fastening to the saddle that might prevent mounting or dismounting with ease. Each challenger to have eight courses, with middle-sized lances, or greater, if any of the comers prefer it.
3. The said gentlemen shall ride each one course in the open field with all comers, as many strokes to be given as the comers demand; great lances to be used and single-handed sharp swords, with blunt points, closing not allowed unless the comer desire it.
4. The said gentlemen shall give one encounter to all comers with blunt casting lances, and four strokes with blunted single-handed swords. With the double-handed swords, as many strokes shall be given as the judges think fit, but no closing allowed.
5. Harness with pieces of advantage, means with no head-piece but an armet; neither helm, demi-helm nor bassinet allowed.
6. The challengers shall send round heralds to declare the rules of the combat.
7. On 6 June, a tree shall be chosen, bearing the noble thorn entwined with raspberry, and on it shall be hung the shields of the challengers, and below them three escutcheons, black and grey, gold and tawny, and the last silver. Tablets, guarded by heralds, shall be hung below these for the names of the comers.
This chapter focuses on Clara Reeve’s The Old English Baron (1778), published during the early years of Britain’s war in America. It discusses how Reeve responded to Horace Walpole’s The Castle of Otranto (1764), not only by rejecting the extravagance of his work but also by situating her tale in fifteenth-century England. Attempting to recover the political significance of this decision in the context of the American war, it considers the way in which the novel offers an allusive narrative of national reconciliation and repair. Even as Reeve claimed that her ‘picture of Gothic times and manners’ served the improving purposes of ‘Romance’, however, her work also acknowledges that its resort to the Gothic past is unable entirely to escape the ‘melancholy retrospect’ of ‘History’. With Reeve’s distinction between history and romance in mind, the chapter concludes by suggesting that, through its mediation of Otranto, The Old English Baron helped to make the diverse resources of the Gothic past available to subsequent writers, and at the same time to ensure that its questioning of Britain’s Gothic inheritance remained integral to the tradition of ‘domestic Gothic’ that it inaugurated.