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The fundamental algorithms in data mining and machine learning form the basis of data science, utilizing automated methods to analyze patterns and models for all kinds of data in applications ranging from scientific discovery to business analytics. This textbook for senior undergraduate and graduate courses provides a comprehensive, in-depth overview of data mining, machine learning and statistics, offering solid guidance for students, researchers, and practitioners. The book lays the foundations of data analysis, pattern mining, clustering, classification and regression, with a focus on the algorithms and the underlying algebraic, geometric, and probabilistic concepts. New to this second edition is an entire part devoted to regression methods, including neural networks and deep learning.
This paper develops a generalization about agreement in German copula constructions described in Coon et al. (2017), and proposes an analysis that ties it to other well-established hierarchy phenomena. Specifically, we show that “assumed-identity” copula constructions in German exibit both person and number hierarchy effects, and that these extend beyond the “non-canonical” or “inverse” agreement patterns described in previous work on copula constructions (e.g., Béjar and Kahnemuyipour 2017 and works cited there). We present experimental evidence to support this generalization, and then develop an account that unifies it with hierarchy phenomena in other languages, with a focus on PCC effects. Specifically, we propose that what German copula constructions have in common with PCC environments is that there are multiple accessible DPs in the domain of a single agreement probe, the lower of which is more featurally specified than the higher (see, e.g., Béjar and Rezac 2003, 2009; Anagnostopoulou 2005; Nevins 2007). We also offer an explanation as to why number effects are present in German copula constructions but notably absent in PCC effects. We then place our account within the broader context of constraints on predication structures.
After high hopes in the initial post-communist years after 1989, disenchantment became noticeable in some sectors of the local populations in Central and Southeastern Europe. Among the problems which have alienated portions of local publics are the weakness of the economies (especially in Southeastern Europe), the monopolization of the media by new elites, and difficulties in building up constitutional orders, although in each case there are those who benefit from the persistence of these problems. In Catholic countries, especially but not only in Poland, abortion has figured as a pivotal issue, with the Catholic Church pushing for legislation to be binding on all citizens, both Catholic and non-Catholic. Differences in the present state of affairs reflect, in part, differences in the pattern of the breakdown of the communist system, from one state to the other, in particular between transitions engineered from above and transitions pushed forward from below.
Among the most notorious outlaws in the history of New Orleans is a runaway slave who lost an arm in a skirmish with the police, through which he earned the nickname that means “severed arm.” His career is visible in detail in the historical record but migrated into folklore and, in turn, literary works of various kinds, ultimately to form the basis of Sidney Bechet’s vision of the origins of jazz. Many supposed that he had supernatural powers, and his exploits as an entertainer in Congo Square in the antebellum period are the basis, for Bechet, of the expressive traditions that ultimately took shape as the city’s most significant cultural contribution to the world.
At an abstract level, it is easy to make an argument for the virtue of an effort to isolate and examine the impact of party structure. Political parties are the great intermediary institutions of democratic politics. Yet they inevitably transform and not just transmit public wishes. It is hard to imagine how their internal structure would not be central to that transformation. So the effort to unpack these influences should be inherently virtuous, that is, intrinsically connected to question of policy responsiveness and democratic representation. Yet the moment this effort shifts to the operational level, embedding a theoretical argument in the practical details of American politics, problems surface, likewise inherently.
The long war over party structure in American politics, rooted in the 1820s and joined in the 1880s, was still alive and well when postwar political science returned to its fortunes in the 1960s. Yet an array of systematic indicators of these fortunes, beginning in the 1950s and running through the 2010s, suggests that this war did indeed have a major turning point around 1970. Impelled afresh by a lesser but parallel conflict over the proper institutional forms for presidential selection, the old model of organized parties, built around a hierarchy of long-serving party officeholders, was decisively defeated by a newer model of volunteer parties, built instead around participatory networks of issue activists. That much of the existing study of this long war was mainly just confirmed by systematic contemporary measures.
Once upon a time – and for a very long time – party structure was a central concern of those who followed American politics, both theoretically and practically. The internal structure of political parties was taken to shape what they did in a major way, and what they did was understood to be integral to American democracy. James Bryce in The American Commonwealth saw what we have called organized parties as the distinguishing feature of politics in the United States and viewed it as a kind of pathology. Henry Jones Ford in The Rise and Growth of American Politics saw the same parties as instead a saving grace, the single feature of politics in America that rescued it from an unworkable Constitution and continuing policy frustration.
Social welfare is almost universally taken to be the spine of the New Deal party system. So if scholars argue about its role in modern times, this is usually just an argument over the degree to which it still plays that role or, alternatively, the degree to which the role is in decline. While the consensus is not as neat on the main policy competitor in this successor world, the leading alternative is ordinarily some variant of cultural values. Accordingly, we open Chapter 3 by giving cultural values the same compare-and-contrast treatment given to social welfare and civil rights in Chapter 2. In the process, cultural values serves simultaneously as the leading example of the way in which a major policy domain can lack any partisan alignment and as a testimonial to the power of differential party structures when the domain finally comes to share an alignment common to other major realms.
The more comprehensive but also more dispersed and more gradual triumph of the participatory model that was evident in state party politics along with the more focused triumph of the same thrust in the politics of presidential selection were inevitably intertwined. Established volunteer parties were much easier to reform at the presidential level. Successful reforms for presidential selection often spilled over into general reform efforts within organized parties. But in the end, the old world summarized in the overviews of Elazar and Mayhew, as reflected in the more systematic scale of structural indicators developed here, did indeed undergo the upheaval perceived by Mayhew and Ware around the pivotal year of 1970. Table 1.4 summarizes the distribution of party types that resulted.
A long-standing debate in American politics is about the proper structure for political parties and the relative power that should be afforded to party professionals versus issue activists. In this book, Byron E. Shafer and Regina L. Wagner draw systematically on new data and indexes to evaluate the extent to which party structure changed from the 1950s on, and what the consequences have been for policy responsiveness, democratic representation, and party alignment across different issue domains. They argue that the reputed triumph of volunteer parties since the 1970s has been less comprehensive than the orthodox narrative assumes, but that the balance of power did shift, with unintended and sometimes perverse consequences. In the process of evaluating its central questions, this book gives an account of how partisan alignments evolved with newly empowered issue activists and major post-war developments from the civil rights movement to the culture wars.
Experiments were performed within Sandia National Labs’ Multiphase Shock Tube to measure and quantify the shock-induced dispersal of a shock/dense particle curtain interaction. Following interaction with a planar travelling shock wave, schlieren imaging at 75 kHz was used to track the upstream and downstream edges of the curtain. Data were obtained for two particle diameter ranges (
) across Mach numbers ranging from 1.24 to 2.02. Using these data, along with data compiled from the literature, the dispersion of a dense curtain was studied for multiple Mach numbers (1.2–2.6), particle sizes (
) and volume fractions (9–32 %). Data were non-dimensionalized according to two different scaling methods found within the literature, with time scales defined based on either particle propagation time or pressure ratio across a reflected shock. The data show that spreading of the particle curtain is a function of the volume fraction, with the effectiveness of each time scale based on the proximity of a given curtain’s volume fraction to the dilute mixture regime. It is seen that volume fraction corrections applied to a traditional particle propagation time scale result in the best collapse of the data between the two time scales tested here. In addition, a constant-thickness regime has been identified, which has not been noted within previous literature.