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To study Josquin des Prez is to stand at the edge of an epistemological precipice. One of the greatest impediments to accessing the historical Josquin is the extraordinary reception he enjoyed after his death. The early decades of the sixteenth century witnessed an explosion in the circulation of Josquin's music, and a concomitant increase in references to Josquin's stature. More than a quarter-century ago, Joshua Rifkin challenged scholars to consider works by Josquin guilty until proven innocent. Eighteenth- and nineteenth-century music historians were forced to rely heavily on Glareanus and late printed sources, their accounts are littered with dubious claims about Josquin's personality and oriented toward works of questionable attribution. The biographical details can serve as a starting point, as can the most fundamental sorts of information about the institutions in which Josquin worked, the musicians with whom he associated, and the broader social, cultural, and political developments of his age.
Cimpian & Salomon (C&S) propose that the inherence heuristic, a tendency to explain the behavior and other properties of things in terms of their intrinsic characteristics, precedes and explains “essentialist thinking” about natural kinds. This commentary reviews evidence that it is rather essentialism (or something like it) that precedes the assumption of inherence, and suggests that essentialism can do without the inherence heuristic altogether.
A theme of much work taking an “economic approach” to the study of science is the interaction between the norms of individual scientists and those of society at large. Though drawing from the same suite of formal methods, proponents of the economic approach offer what are in substantive terms profoundly different explanations of various aspects of the structure of science. The differences are illustrated by comparing Strevens's explanation of the scientific reward system (the “priority rule”) with Max Albert's explanation of the prevalence of “high methodological standards” in science. Some objections to the economic approach as a whole are then briefly considered.
Monolayer films of poly(m-phenylenevinylene-co-2,5-dioctoxy-p-phenylenevinylene) (PmPV) supported on highly orientated pyrolytic graphite (HOPG) have been investigated using scanning tunneling microscopy (STM) and scanning tunneling spectroscopy (STS). While there are areas of the surface covered with a featureless polymer layer, we also observe large regions with surprisingly long range order. Structural models of the polymer, as well as tunneling spectra, suggest that this ordering is derived from substrate-polymer epitaxy.
The Latin poetry set to music during the Middle Ages and discussed in this chapter may be divided into two main types, metra, based on syllabic quantity, and rhythmi (in the Middle Ages often spelt rithmi or the like), based on accent and syllable count, but from the fourteenth century often on the latter alone. Not regarded are psalms and other texts of like form such as the Te Deum, based on paired phrases of parallel or quasi-parallel but unregulated structure.
The term ‘verse’ will be used throughout as a synonym of ‘line’, not of ‘stanza’, though ‘verse-form’ will be used to accommodate both the measures of single verses and their combinations into stanzas as a single concept. To avoid confusion, only quantitative measures will be called ‘metres’.
It is on verse-forms that primary emphasis will be laid, the better to assist study of the relation, or lack of relation, between words and music. Some literary criticism will be offered, principally of motet texts, since these have been neglected by students of literature and only of late considered by musicologists. (This neglect is not only modern: the state of many texts in our manuscripts indicates that music copyists did not always take much interest in them; sometimes it was already a corrupt text that the composer set.)
Aulus Gellius' theoretical attitude to current spoken usage is clear-cut (Wolanin 1999): it is a degenerate aberration from the pure Latin spoken before Augustan times (13.6.4), corrupted by the ignorant (15.5.1) and to be rejected even when not confined to the common herd (1.22.2). In this judgement there is no ambiguity; it remains only to see how far theory is supported by practice.
However unwilling Gellius may be to speak like the masses of his own day, he has no objection to speaking like the masses of long ago. In Noctes Atticae 17.8 the philosopher L. Calvenus Taurus, having invited his students in Athens to dinner, sends for oil to pour into the pot of Egyptian lentils and diced gourd on which the feast is based; a pert slave-boy accidentally brings an empty jar and, amidst much shaking and grimacing, claims perquam Attice that the oil is frozen: §7 μὴ γελᾶτε, inquit, ἔνι τοὔλαιον· ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἴστε οἵα φρίκη περὶ τὸν ὄρθρον γέγονε τήμερον; κεκρυστάλλωται. Taurus laughingly bids him in Latin to run and fetch some: §8 Verbero, inquit ridens Taurus, nonne is curriculo atque oleum petis?
That the exchange is of Gellius' own concoction is clear enough from the confusion between φρίκη and frigus (Holford-Strevens 2003: 232); we need therefore not worry about the kind of Latin Taurus used, or whether on such an occasion he would have spoken Latin at all. It is far more important to notice the echoes of early drama, in particular comedy.
Besides the direct tradition, these verses are cited by Stephanus of Byzantium, s.n. Aῖγυς, who explains: λγος π∊ρ ‘Eλυης Λακωυικς οὒσης καῷ ἂρρ∊υ μτ∊κοσης κα τ ’Aλ∊ζυδρω κα Δηϊøβω γαμηθ∊σης Commentators have followed him both as to the identity of the three husbands and the sense of θηλπαις: ‘female-childed’.