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Asking psychiatric in-patients about their drug consumption is unlikely to yield reliable results, particularly where alcohol and illicit drug use is involved. The main aim of this study was to compare spontaneous self-reports of drug use in hospitalized psychiatric patients to biological measures of same. A secondary aim was to determine which personal factors were associated with the use of tobacco, alcohol, and illicit drugs as indicated by these biological measures.
The consumption of substances was investigated using biological measures (urine cotinine, cannabis, opiates, cocaine, amphetamines and barbiturates; blood carbohydrate-deficient transferrin [CDT] and gamma-glutamyl transferase [GGT]) in 486 consecutively admitted psychiatric patients, one day following their hospitalization. Patients’ self-reports of alcohol, tobacco and illicit drugs consumption were recorded. Socio-professional and familial data were also recorded.
The results show a low correlation between biological measures and self-reported consumption of alcohol and illicit drugs. Fifty-two percent of the patients under-reported their consumption of illicit drugs (kappa = .47). Patients with schizophrenia and personality disorders were more likely to disclose their illicit drug consumption relative to patients suffering from mood disorders and alcohol dependence. Fifty-six percent of patients underreported alcohol use, as evaluated by CDT (kappa = .2), and 37% underreported when using the CDT + GGT measure as an indicator. Smoking appeared to be reported adequately. In the study we observed a strong negative correlation between cannabis use and age, a strong correlation between tobacco and cannabis use, and correlations between tobacco, cannabis and alcohol consumption.
This study is the first to compare self-reports and biological measures of alcohol, tobacco and illicit drug uses in a large sample of inpatients suffering from various categories of psychiatric illnesses, allowing for cross-diagnosis comparisons.
L’addiction aux jeux vidéo touche principalement les adolescents et jeunes adultes. Claude Olievenstein  décrivait l’addiction comme la rencontre entre un produit, une personnalité et un moment socioculturel. Ceci s’applique particulièrement pour les jeux vidéo et la révolution numérique. Cette addiction prend souvent son origine au temps particulier de l’adolescence, notamment lors de la seconde phase du processus de séparation/individuation [1,2]. Ensuite, elle peut devenir envahissante et tyrannisante pour la vie familiale [3,4]. Les parents sont aussi, bien souvent, à l’origine de la demande de soin, précédant le joueur. Partant de ce constat, nous avons porté une attention toute particulière à l’entourage dans ses plaintes et ses demandes, afin de progresser dans notre connaissance de cette problématique. Le service d’addictologie du CHU de Nantes dispose d’une consultation spécialisée dans cette addiction et d’un groupe de parole destiné aux membres de l’entourage d’un joueur supposé souffrir d’un problème de jeux vidéo. Nous avons réalisé une étude descriptive au CHU de Nantes entre février et juin 2013. Un questionnaire était adressé aux parents rencontrés sur le groupe Entourage afin de décrire et de comprendre les enjeux familiaux autour de l’addiction aux jeux vidéo. L’objectif principal de cette étude était d’obtenir des témoignages de familles de joueurs excessifs afin de mieux connaître les interactions autour de la conduite de jeux vidéo, jugée excessive. Notre objectif secondaire était de dégager des profils sociodémographiques de familles, d’entendre leurs inquiétudes et leurs attentes notamment en termes de soins ainsi que d’évaluer leurs connaissances en matière de jeux vidéo. Au total, dix familles ont répondu et nous proposons de décrire ces résultats illustrant la place de la famille dans l’addiction aux jeux vidéo et dans le soin.
How has English-speaking Canadian political science conceived of the relationship between Quebec and Canada? Why has an issue that has been considered central for more than three decades become less attractive, if not marginal, within the discipline? The aim is to examine, from this example, the overlapping relationship between science and politics. The intent is also to show that Canadian political science has examined the Quebec/Canada relationship from four different angles: 1) its interest in Quebec politics was part of the urgency of the moment, based on a crisis that challenged the foundations of the political system; 2) it questioned the legitimacy of the sources of the dispute, namely the compatibility between the new expressions of Quebec nationalism with the presumed principles on which the Canadian political community had been founded; 3) Quebec nationalism also encouraged a reflection on the existence (or not) of “English Canada” as a sociological and political reality; 4) the combination of the first three factors caused the prescriptions for getting out of, or resolving, the crisis to evolve over time, to the point of rendering research on this issue obsolete.
The purpose of this paper is to investigate the use of the term multiculturalism by Canadian justices. The goal is twofold. First, identify the context in which it has been used and delineate the meaning given to multiculturalism by Canadian Courts. Second, contrast the Federal State’s conception of multiculturalism with the courts’ implicit understanding. Although Canadian courts often refer to multiculturalism, their conception is much less unequivocal and its scope quickly widened, going beyond what had been planned at the time of its adoption in 1971.
This study presents the results of a survey of Canada's francophone political scientists on the language of knowledge dissemination in political science. Although almost all francophone political scientists agreed with the statement that English has become the lingua franca of political science, French continues to be a significant part of the dissemination of knowledge. However, there are important variations in language usage depending on the language in which the dissertation was written, the disciplinary sub-field within the discipline, and academic rank. Language choices are largely motivated by the desire to reach the widest possible audience while garnering recognition from peers.
Despite surveillance, the Quebec Healthcare-Associated Infections Surveillance Program saw no improvement in vascular access–associated bloodstream infections in hemodialysis (HD). We aimed to determine the infection control measures recommended and implemented in Quebec’s HD units, compliance of local protocols to infection control practice guidelines, and reasons behind the low prevalence of arteriovenous fistulas.
An online survey was elaborated on the basis of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and National Kidney Foundation Kidney Disease Outcomes Quality Initiative guidelines. The questionnaire was validated (construct, content, face validity, and reliability) and sent to all HD units in Quebec (n = 40). Results were analyzed using descriptive statistics, linear regression, and Poisson regression.
Thirty-seven (93%) of 40 HD units participated. Thirty (94%) of the 32 centers where central catheters are inserted have written insertion protocols. Compliance with practice guidelines is good, except for full-body draping during catheter insertion (79%) and ointment use at insertion site (3%). Prevention measures for catheter maintenance are in accordance with guidelines, except for skin disinfection with at least 0.5% chlorhexidine and 70% alcohol (67% compliance) and regular antiseptic ointment use at the insertion site (3%). Before fistula cannulation, skin preparation is suboptimal; forearm hygiene is performed in only 61% of cases. Several factors explain the low rate of fistulas, including patient preference (69%) and lack of surgical resources (39%; P = .01).
Improvement in standardization of care according to practice guidelines is necessary. Fistula rate could be increased by improving access to surgical resources and patient education. Strategies are now being elaborated to address these findings.
Describe the epidemiology of central line-associated bloodstream infections (CLABSIs) in neonatal intensive care units (NICUs) participating in a standardized and mandatory CLABSI surveillance program.
We included patients admitted (April 2007-March 2011) to 7 level II/III NICUs who developed a CLABSI (as defined by the National Healthcare Safety Network).
. CLABSIs/1,000 central line–days and device utilization ratio were calculated; x2 test, Student t test, Kruskal-Wallis, and Poisson regression were used.
Overall, 191 patients had 202 CLABSI episodes for a pooled mean rate of 4.0 CLABSIs/1,000 central line-days and a device utilization ratio of 0.20. Annual pooled mean CLABSI rates increased from 3.6 in 2007-2008 to 5.1 CLABSIs/1,000 central line-days in 2010-2011 (P = .01). The all-cause 30-day case fatality proportion was 8.9% (n = 17) and occurred a median of 8 days after CLABSI. Coagulase-negative Staphylococcus was identified in 112 (50.5%) cases. Staphylococcus aureus was identified in 22 cases, and 3 (13.6%) were resistant to methicillin. An underlying intra-abdominal pathology was found in 20% (40/202) of CLABSI cases, 50% of which were reported in the last year of study. When adjusted for mean birth weight, annual CLABSI incidence rates were independently associated with the proportion of intra-abdominal pathology (P = .007) and the proportion of pulmonary pathology (P = .016) reported.
The increase in CLABSI rates in Quebec NICUs seems to be associated with an increased proportion of cases with underlying intra-abdominal and pulmonary pathologies, which needs further investigation.
The fact that litigation in classical Hindu law “rests on four feet” (catuṣpād) is well known. The texts enumerating and defining the four elements have been discussed repeatedly in recent scholarly literature. Most of these writings center on the fact that, among dharma, vyavahāra, caritra, and rājaśĀsana, each latter one bādhate “checks, prevents, sets aside,” the preceding one(s). This leads to various —conflicting— theories on the relative role of the four “feet,” and, especially, to efforts at explaining the obvious, but unexpected, importance given custom and royal decrees.
This article does not intend to deal with the relations between dharma, vyavahāra, caritra, and rājaśĀsana. It will concentrate on caritra, and, more specifically, on one term which has been used —once(!)— in connection with it: pustakaraṇa.
The term caritra has been defined by most texts in which the “four feet” of vyavahāra have been enumerated. One of the simplest definitions appears in a verse attributed to Vyāsa (DhK 1.235):
deśasthitiḥ pūrvakṛtā caritraṃ samudāhṛtam.
Elsewhere in a stanza attributed to Bṛhaspati (9.6; DhK 1.99), deśasthiti occurs again, but as one of two types of caritra, the other one being based on anumāna:
anumānena nirṇītam caritram iti kathyate;
deśasthityā dvitīyaṃ tu śĀstravidbhir udāhṛtam.
Jolly (2.23) translates:
When a sentence is passed according to the inference (to be drawn from circumstantial evidence), it is termed (a decision based on) custom. When it is passed according to local usages, it is termed another sort (of a decision based on custom) by the learned in the law.
This paper provides the first complete translation into English of “a most interesting letter written by Father Bouchet in 1714 from Pondicherry to a great man in France” (Nelson 1881: 1188). Except for the first few paragraphs, the letter is entirely devoted to the administration of Hindu law. Although the letter has not remained unnoticed, it has never been made available elsewhere than in its original setting: the Letters édifiantes et curieuses and their German and Italian translations.
The author, Jean Venant Bouchet, was born at Fontenay-le- Comte, France, on April 12, 1655. He became a novice in the Society of Jesus on October 1, 1670. In 1688 he left for India, where he was put in charge of Trichinopoly and the surrounding area. Because of civil troubles in the city he established himself at Ahur, twelve miles south of Trichinopoly. He built a church, and carried on in grand style. In 1702 he was transferred from the Maduré mission to the Carnate mission, of which he became the Superior. He then lived at Tarkolan, in North Arcot District.
On November 6, 1703, Charles de Tournon, papal legatus a latere, arrived in Pondicherry, to investigate Jesuit practices. Sickness prevented him from visiting any part of the inland mission. However, until his departure in July 1704, he gathered data on the practices in question, notably from Charles Bertoldi of Maduré, and from Bouchet.
The beginning of the twelfth book of the Manusmṛti is explicitly devoted to “the ultimate retribution for (their = the four castes') deeds” (MDh 12.1) or “the decision concerning this whole connection with actions” (MDh 12.2). This topic is, again explicitly, concluded at 12.82ab: “All the results, proceeding from actions, have been thus pointed out.” MDh 12.82cd introduces a related but different topic: “those acts which secure supreme bliss to a Brāhmaṇa,” which is concluded at 12.107ab: “Thus the acts which secure supreme bliss have been exactly and fully described.” I shall take the first of these passages in “the most important Dharmaśāstra” as the basis for the following discussion. I shall supplement it with data from other passages in Manu and compare these with similar passages from other texts, in order to reconstruct the theory of karma and rebirth as it appears in Dharmaśāstra literature. On the other hand, I shall exclude from this study all data from later commentaries. In addition to the fact that much of this literature, insofar as it relates to karma, remains unpublished, it is not possible at this point to present a balanced picture even of the printed commentaries in the field of dharma.
MDh 12.1–82 exhibits a strange mixture of general considerations on karma and saṃsāra, on the one hand, and different systems of reincarnation, on the other. One gets the impression that passages which originally belonged to a variety of sources —or were independent units— have been collected by the compiler of the Manusmṛti and put together in succession, often without the slightest transition.
After a chapter “On Punishments,” in which all kinds of general principles about punishments are set out, the Indian Penal Code sets forth another chapter to “General Exceptions” to criminal liability. The commentators of the Code arrange the 31 sections of this chapter IV under seven headings: judicial acts (ss. 77.78), mistake of fact (ss. 76.79), accident (s. 79), absence of criminal intent (ss. 81–86.92–94), consent (ss. 87–90), trifling acts (s. 95), and private defence (ss. 96–106).
The treatment of the last item in this enumeration starts as follows (s. 96):
Nothing is an offense which is done in the exercise of the right of private defence.
And in the following sections the extent and the limitations of this exception to criminal liability are dealt with in detail.
This is the situation as created under British influence by the Indian Penal Code, i.e., Act XLV of 1860. But the Indian people did not await the interference of British jurists to recognize the right of private defence. Anybody who has studied criminal law in the ancient and medieval texts of Hindu law will have met this principle adopted unreservedly.
Before starting the discussion of the real subject, a preliminary remark should be made about the term “law” used in the title of this paper. Western people have come to know the Mānava-Dharmaśāstra under such titles as Bühler's The Laws of Manu (cf. Loiseleur-Deslongchamps 1830 and Jolly 1882–83). For the same Western people, however, this word law has a very strictly circumscribed connotation: a law to them is a prescription passed and voted upon in the one or two existing legislative assemblies, approved by the head of the state, be he a king or a president, and to be adhered to by the people immediately after its official publication. It should be remembered, then, that in ancient India there was not such a separate concept as “law.” What is called “law” nowadays was merely a very small portion of the much more comprehensive doctrine of dharma. In view of this, the learned Dr. P.V. Kane has done well to entitle his voluminous work, of which the fourth volume has been recently published, History of Dharmaśāstra, adding in parentheses: “(ancient and medieval religious and civil law).” Nevertheless if we use the term “law,” it simply means that this article is concerned with that part of the Dharmaśāstra the contents of which correspond to the rules of conduct which in modern democracies are passed by the legislative assemblies.
Some time in 1914 Chanbasava, a widow from Dharwar District —at the Southern end of what was then the Bombay Presidency— had a quarrel with her late husband Ramanna's brother's son, Hanmappa. Hanmappa filed a suit to claim that he was Chanbasava's —and her late husband's— adopted son. He failed to establish his claim in court, and, within two days, “revenged himself for his failure” by murdering Chanbasava. Hanmappa was convicted of murder and, under Section 302 of the Indian Penal Code, sentenced to transportation for life.
The decision of the criminal court did not, however, solve the civil issue. Hanmappa, the murderer, was also heir to Chanbasava's estate, and he had two sisters, Kenchava and Gangava, who would inherit if Hanmappa was not disqualified as heir to Chanbasava. At the same time there was another nephew, Ramanna's sister's son, Girimallappa, who would inherit, and he alone, if Hanmappa was disqualified. Girimallappa went to the civil courts to establish his claim.
The Anglo-Indian civil courts were faced with the problem: can a murderer inherit his victim's estate? or, even if he loses all beneficial rights personally, is he, for the sake of the inheritance, existent or non-existent? The case was decided by the First Class Subordinate Judge at Dharwar, H.V. Chinmulgund. It was appealed to the High Court in Bombay, before Chief Justice Sir Norman Macleod and Mr. Justice Charles Fawcett. The decision of the Bombay High Court was appealed again, before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, at Westminster in London.
It is a well known fact, that in all sources dealing with ancient Hindu adjective law four different types of legal reply have been neatly distinguished (Kane 1930–62: 3.300–301). This fourfold subdivision of the reply might perhaps even be said to be one of the more stable and constant factors among the endless series of enumerations and subdivisions to be found in the ancient Indian law books.
Inasmuch as a clear insight into the said four types of reply will prove necessary in order to fully appreciate the intricacies called forth by the mixed reply, at first the main types of reply shall be briefly defined and illustrated here.
In the first place, confession (satya, saṃpratipatti) is the statement in which the defendant acknowledges the truth of the facts mentioned in the plaint (Vyāsa 1.24).
Secondly, at least as far as the age of the Dharmaśāstras is concerned, a reply is said to be a reply by way of denial (mithyā, mithyottara) when the defendant contradicts the facts referred to in the plaint (KS 167).
Later on, at the time when Dharmaśātra literature —and all other branches of learning as well— becomes deeply influenced by the concepts of Indian logic (Nyāya) a much more subtle definition comes to the fore.
Every student of Dharmaśāstra knows that Jīmūtavāhana's Dāyabhāga, which “is of paramount authority in modern British Indian courts in Bengal” (Kane 1930–1962: 1.322), defends the view that the head of the family is the sole owner of the joint family property. The other members do not acquire any proprietary rights, for instance by birth, as is the case in other Hindu “legal texts.” They only become owners at the time when the right of the present owner ceases to exist, by his death or otherwise.
Jīmūtavāhana himself (1.13) introduces a possible objection to this theory. The opponent states that in order to become the owner of an object, there has to be acquisition (arjana). And arjana is an activity (vyāpāra) on the part of the acquirer (arjayitṛ). Therefore, the acquirer acquires the status of an owner contingent upon his activity of acquisition. For instance, birth is an activity of the son (putravyāpāra); it constitutes acquisition of a proprietary right in the joint property. Consequently, the son acquires this right while his father is still alive, not after his father's death.
Jīmūtavāhana (1.21) refutes this objection. The activity of the acquirer does not make him the owner. A person's proprietary right can very well come into being by an act on the part of someone else:
anyavyāpāreṇānyasya svatvam aviruddham.
Consequently, the death of the father —literally, the father's act of dying— can create his son's proprietary right, without any activity on the part of the son.
The Greek author Strabo (quoted by Timmer 1930, from Strabo XV 1.53) has preserved a statement of Megasthenes, the Greek ambassador to Candragupta Maurya, according to which theft was an extremely rare phenomenon in the India which he visited.
And the quotation continues: “…, agraphois kai tauta nomois chrōmenois oude gar grammata eidenai autous, all aēo mnēmēs ekasta dioikeisthai.”
The latest editor of the fragments of Megasthenes’ Indica, B.C.J. Timmer, thereby following her predecessors, translates as follows: “…, and this notwithstanding the fact that they use unwritten laws. For they do not know the script, but they administer everything from memory” (1930: 240–41).
Many a page has been written to discuss the possible date of the introduction of writing in India, but at least it seems to be well established now that writing was known in India by the time when Megasthenes lived at the court of Candragupta Maurya.
Consequently, we fully agree with Timmer when she argues that Megasthenes’ statement on this point must be false: “No doubt, Megasthenes’ opinion that the Indians did not know writing was a misunderstanding” (245).
However, Timmer pleads extenuating circumstances in favor of Megasthenes’ apparent inconsistency. Indeed, she says, it was a misunderstanding “based upon the fact that Megasthenes rightly observed that the laws were unwritten and that oral tradition played such an important part in India” (245). According to Timmer, “the laws were indeed mainly unwritten; it was not customary with the Indians to reduce their sacred books (and the Dharmaśāstras belong to them) to writing” (245).