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Often regarded as trivial and disposable, printed ephemera, such as tickets, playbills and handbills, was essential in the development of eighteenth-century culture. In this original study, richly illustrated with examples from across the period, Gillian Russell examines the emergence of the cultural category of printed ephemera, its relationship with forms of sociability, the history of the book, and ideas of what constituted the boundaries of literature and literary value. Russell explores the role of contemporary collectors such as Sarah Sophia Banks in preserving such material, arguing for 'ephemerology' as a distinctive strand of popular antiquarianism. Multi-disciplinary in scope, The Ephemeral Eighteenth Century reveals new perspectives on the history of theatre, the fiction of Maria Edgeworth and Jane Austen, and on the history of bibliography, as well as highlighting the continuing relevance of the concept of ephemerality to how we connect through social media today.
This chapter analyses developmental policies in southern Africa against the backdrop of language policy and planning. The chapter argues for a context-driven language policy and planning approach which takes into account the importance of African languages in the workplace. A quadruple bottom line should be added to economic debates whereby language and culture are included in the triple bottom line metric. Policies or documents such as the National Development Plan in South Africa are analysed in relation to economic and societal development and found largely to contain no mention of language, even though they speak to development in areas (such as agriculture) which concern the masses where many people will not be proficient in English. This makes such developmental policies redundant for the majority of people who cannot access documents and developmental plans in their mother tongues. The chapter also suggests that a consolidated continental developmental plan should be put in place based on the use of African languages in the market place alongside excoglossic languages such as English, French and Portuguese. The use of language in the workplace should be seen as a vital developmental tool on the African continent.
The American Academy of Neurology has developed epilepsy quality measures1 that should serve as a minimum standard for epilepsy care and can also serve as a template for clinical interactions with patients. This chapter will discuss how using these quality measures can enhance patient and family education, and how clinicians can influence patient outcomes beyond just seizure control.
Fossil crayfish are typically rare, worldwide. In Australia, the strictly Southern Hemisphere clade Parastacidae, while ubiquitous in modern freshwater systems, is known only from sparse fossil occurrences from the Aptian–Albian of Victoria. We expand this record to the Cenomanian of northern New South Wales, where opalized bio-gastroliths (temporary calcium storage bodies found in the foregut of pre-moult crayfish) form a significant proportion of the fauna of the Griman Creek Formation. Crayfish bio-gastroliths are exceedingly rare in the fossil record but here form a remarkable supplementary record for crayfish, whose body and trace fossils are otherwise unknown from the Griman Creek Formation. The new specimens indicate that parastacid crayfish were widespread in eastern Australia by middle Cretaceous time, occupying a variety of freshwater ecosystems from the Australian–Antarctic rift valley in the south, to the near-coastal floodplains surrounding the epeiric Eromanga Sea further to the north.
Early-life stress (ELS) has previously been identified as a risk factor for cognitive decline, but this work has predominantly focused on clinical groups and indexed traditional cognitive domains. It, therefore, remains unclear whether ELS is related to cognitive function in healthy community-dwelling older adults, as well as whether any effects of ELS also extend to social cognition. To test each of these questions, the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ) was administered to 484 older adults along with a comprehensive neuropsychological test battery and a well-validated test of social cognitive function. The results revealed no differences in global cognition according to overall experiences of ELS. However, a closer examination into the different ELS subscales showed that global cognition was poorer in those who had experienced physical neglect (relative to those who had not). Social cognitive function did not differ according to experiences to ELS. These results indicate that the relationship between ELS and cognition in older age may be dependent on the nature of the trauma experienced.
For the first time in an Arab country, this article examines attitudes toward public opinion surveys and their effects on survey-taking behavior. The study uses original survey data from Qatar, the diverse population of which permits comparisons across cultural–geographical groupings within a single, non-democratic polity. The authors find that Qatari and expatriate Arabs hold positive views of surveys, both in absolute terms and relative to individuals from non-Arab countries. Factor analysis reveals that the underlying dimensions of survey attitudes in Qatar mostly mirror those identified in Western settings, but a new dimension is discovered that captures the perceived intentions of surveys. Two embedded experiments assess the impact of survey attitudes. The results show that generalized attitudes toward surveys affect respondents’ willingness to participate both alone and in combination with surveys' objective attributes. The study also finds that negative views about survey reliability and intentions increase motivated under-reporting among Arab respondents, whereas non-Arabs are sensitive only to perceived cognitive and time costs. These findings have direct implications for consumers and producers of Arab survey data.
There is a debate in the literature as to whether Kantian self-conceit is intrapsychic or interpersonal. I argue that self-conceit is both. I argue that, for Kant, self-conceit is fundamentally an illusion about authority, one’s own and any authority one stands in relation to. Self-conceit refuses to recognize the authority of the law. But the law “shows up” for us in two guises: one’s own reason and other persons. Thus, self-conceit refuses to recognize both guises of the law. Hence self-conceit is essentially double-sided, at once intrapsychic and interpersonal.
This chapter concentrates on individuals and their actions during the pre-independence electoral struggle. It narrates the move towards convincement in political opinions and the hardening of political blocs in the borderland, particularly in the opposition of nationalist propagandists and their local chief over the question of rightful authority. Nationalists countered the chief’s violent attitude towards dissent with stubbornness and the frank declaration of their political truth. After noting the shifts in political speech surrounding the tainted local elections in 1960, the chapter then examines a full-scale insurrection that followed, as nationalists in the borderland attacked their political opponents and rejected both colonial and chiefly authority. It observes the prevalence of the word ‘advice’ as a euphemism for political violence, and examines the rapid success and swift repression of the rebellion. It argues for a consideration of the conception of authority as given by the subject, and considers the ‘citizen-making’ violence of political dogma. It ends with a coda on the assassination of Prime Minister-elect Prince Rwagasore and the transition to independence.
This chapter presents the political parties and personalities that dominated Burundi’s first democratic contest, between 1959 and 1961, and examines the modes of political communication they deployed. Between the appeals of nationalist, gradualist and populist parties, most popular debate took place in the form of rumour: the population passed on uncertain news, contradictory political claims and speculation about political figures, and discussed which rumours were true. While the authority of the king was a point of consensus, the relative authority of chiefs and politicians was uncertain. The chapter examines the modes of authority adopted in public address by Chief Baranyanka, the nationalist Uprona party and Belgian authorities, and focuses on the rhetoric of written tracts perfected by Uprona. It identifies a shared language of truth across all political voices, denouncing rumour and seeking to convince the population of a singular truth of authority, and demonstrates the importance of Uprona’s attempts to engage the intelligence of its audience. In recognising the truth the party expressed through this language of truth, the population endorsed its authority.
The conclusion reflects on the narration of Burundi’s history as a date-list of catastrophes, and the need for attention to the processes and possibilities in between. It argues that the full account of decolonisation as a time of uncertainty and possibility must be seen in the interaction of state actors and local populations. It reviews the idea of the ‘realisation’ of the postcolony among the general population as the experience of solving a riddle, in which the process of solving it is as important as the answer. The languages and attempts at different modes of citizenship and engagement throughout the 1960s would continue to form part of the strategies of living with the postcolonial state in decades to come. Returning to several proverbs reported during the violence in 1972, finally, the conclusion relates these questions of truth to issues of memory, and observes their significance for continuing processes of reconciliation, justice, community cohesion and history-writing. The conviction of personal memory and the ambiguity of public modes of truth-speaking continue to demonstrate the centrality of ideas of truth in contemporary practices of politics.
This chapter provides an orientation in the people, place and time of the book’s setting. It examines the precolonial history of the kingdom of Burundi, including the parameters of ethnic identity, societal stratification and dynamics of power in the nineteenth century. Through German conquest and transfer to Belgian control after the First World War, it considers the nature of chiefly authority and colonial ethnic policy, brought into focus by civil war and anticolonial rebellion in the early twentieth century. Focusing subsequently on the relationship between a subject peasant population on the border and their imposed chief, Pierre Baranyanka, it explores the chief’s authority of ‘commandement’, and the popular evaluations of his behaviour. While required to perform deference and obedience, the peasant population talked about politics through keen observation of personal behaviour, gossiping about the chief’s attitudes towards the king, and exchanging jokes and parables that expressed political opinion about their social superiors. With the return of the first elite students to study abroad, the chapter ends with the arrival of the ‘time of politics’ in the north of Burundi.
After independence, Burundi went through a process of rapid political disintegration. Uprona factionalised into political and ethnic blocs, while facing off against Rwanda as an ideological and geopolitical enemy. This chapter explores the rapid changes between 1962 and 1967, seeing the attempts to rule in the control of official truth. It examines the extreme hostility of the state towards the borderland population, and the forms of political language used in national address. It presents a moment of violence in 1964 when dissidents ran a campaign of arson from across the border, and the performances of loyalty enacted by others to display their obedience to official truth. Noting the national crisis over Prime Minister Ngendandumwe’s assassination in 1965, and the subsequent elections, attempted coups d’état and the first large-scale ethnic violence, it finally presents local responses to a military coup in 1966 that abolished the monarchy. Some resisted the coup by treating it as just another ‘rumour’, but most greeted the news with cautious silence. Official truth changed to exclude royal authority, but maintained old hostilities to Rwanda, rumour and ethnic politics.
The introduction presents the book’s primary themes of truth, the postcolony, borders and violence. Situated in the historiography of African decolonisation, it emphasises the necessity of considering the emergence of the postcolony in the relationship between states and peoples, rather than through the relationship with the coloniser alone. It treats decolonisation as a search for certainty around what community and authority would mean in the postcolony, a process lasting far beyond the date of independence. Surveying approaches to citizenship as action and as words, it focuses on variations of political language in historiography and linguistic anthropology, and contextualises the setting of the book in literature on African borderlands and the ‘margins’ of the state. It provides preliminary observations on truth, truth-speaking and their role in official political speech and unofficial rumour in 1950s Burundi, while observing some common philosophical conceptions of the relationship between truth and violence. It then presents the methodologies employed, along with the practical and ethical questions concerning the focus on truth, and ends with an overview of the book.