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Until relatively recently, the fourteenth century in England was considered something of a no man's land, caught between the intellectual and political turbulence of the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries and the upheavals and remakings of the fifteenth and sixteenth. The Norman Conquest, the Anarchy, Magna Carta, the Barons’ Wars, the Wars of the Roses, the Tudors, and the Reformation were all important foci for those interested in leadership and authority. By contrast, the study of the governance and the exercise of power in the fourteenth century was overshadowed: unsurprising considering the comparatively brief amount of time spent engaged in civil war over the course of the century, and the relatively laconic contemporary record of more developed political ideas. There were, of course, the ground-breaking modern studies by the likes of Thomas Frederick Tout, Maude Clarke and Bertie Wilkinson on government and administration, but their work tended to look back to the twelfth and thirteenth century for its inspiration, and they were, of course, of a much earlier generation of historians – one could argue the surveyors of fourteenth-century power dynamics, rather than the settlers.
Instead, the most notable topics for scholarly and popular attention in the century tended to be connected with the economy and society, especially the effects of recurrent outbreaks of the Black Death starting in 1348, and the origins and impact of the Rising of 1381. Both attracted scholars due to their importance for medieval society as a whole, and had inbuilt debates which would guarantee their relevance for years to come. Even when theories involving politics and the exercise of power in the study of fourteenth-century England did emerge, they tended to look inward for their relevance, with their importance arising from events and personalities rather than wider ranging processes. The most notable of these, the depositions of 1327 and 1399, while sparking interest in ideas of fourteenth-century kingship, were more often than not isolated within the reigns they brought to an end. On a larger stage, the Hundred Years War held the attention of scholars and the wider public in part because of the fame of the victories at Crecy and Poitiers, but also because of the strength of characters such as the Black Prince and Edward III.
When was surrendering a castle an acceptable and honourable course of action? Was surrendering a castle ever an acceptable and honourable undertaking? These were questions which generated considerable debate in the course of the Hundred Years War, but never more intensely than in the 1370s, when the combination of a decline in English military fortunes and the absence of a fully functioning king dramatically intensified public concern over the loss of strategically important and prestigious fortresses. Our intention is to explore the political ramifications of surrendering, focussing initially on the trial in October 1377 of Jean de Jauche, lord of Gommegnies, and William Weston for the loss, respectively, of the castles of Ardres and Audruicq in the Calais Pale, before broadening our discussion to consider wider conceptual and normative contexts. We want to consider what drove the captains of castles to seek terms with their besiegers, how much licence these men were given by the crown unilaterally to negotiate in this way, why decisions taken ‘in the field’ became so highly charged politically, and how far the actions of these men accorded with contemporary views on the proper conduct of garrison commanders. The topic provides a suitable platform for the conjoining of our own respective research areas, but it also neatly dovetails with two of the central strands of Chris Given-Wilson's pioneering and hugely influential work on prisoners of war and the parliament rolls of late medieval England. It is an age-old truism that politics and warfare are two sides of the same coin and that each responds to, and influences, the course of the other: what happened in the 1370s brings into especially sharp focus the full extent of this symbiosis.
The surrender of Ardres and Audruicq
Perhaps because the parliament of October 1377 was notable in so many other ways – it was the first of Richard II's reign and marked a decisive shift in political climate following the turbulent last years of Edward III's rule – the detailed account of the trial of Jean de Jauche, lord of Gommegnies, and William Weston has never received detailed scrutiny. Ardres and Audruicq had been lost only a matter of weeks before parliament met.
The chapter explores the relationship between official and “non-official” languages in Canada by taking as its starting point two Statistics Canada reports on ethnocultural and linguistic diversity released in 2017. Its goal is to examine how demographic trends, combined with recent debates and policy initiatives, are going to impact Canada’s language regime. The first section discusses international immigration. The second section focuses on Toronto, Montréal, Vancouver, and Ottawa. The third section reflects on how Canada’s language regime will respond to the challenges raised by the projected expansion of linguistic diversity in the population. The chapter concludes that, while Canada’s language regime shifted from Anglo-conformity to equality between English and French starting in the late 1960s, the projected increase in ethnocultural and linguistic diversity cannot render invisible the persistent pull of English, which could lend support to old Anglo-conformist attitudes and tendencies around language policy and planning in the country as a whole.
Those Anglican Churches that have opened marriage to same-sex couples have done so from a liturgical starting point which makes space for the eschatological vocation of marriage. Such liturgies are arguably more congenial to same-sex couples’ demands for equal rites. The Church of England, on the other hand, has clung to services underpinned by a narrow view of marriage as a creation ordinance. It may be well-suited to the established Church’s legal duties but it means that the present demand for the inclusion of same-sex couples into Christian marriage represents a greater challenge. Equal rites, however, need not exclude the view of marriage as a creation ordinance. Interviews with four Church of England clergy who have been involved in same-sex ceremonies allow an exploration of the kind of marriage services that would meet same-sex couples’ demands and offer insights about what these demands say about the English marriage service today.
Since the early papers of Frawley and Lantolf (1985; Lantolf & Frawley, 1984), Vygotskian psychology, often referred to as sociocultural theory (SCT), has gained prominence as one of several “mainstream” (Swain & Deters, 2007) or “alternative” (Atkinson, 2011) second language acquisition (SLA) theories. A central concern of the general theory is how sign systems (e.g., language, literacy, numeracy) are internalized to reorganize basic, or biologically endowed, psychological functions into higher, or culturally mediated, ones, which give rise to consciousness. In particular, Vygotsky (1986) focused on the role of language in constituting higher mental functions: language does not simply facilitate cognition, but it is part and parcel of it. In this way, Vygotsky’s semiotic analysis of consciousness and word meaning connects him not only to Marxian dialectical materialism, but also to the German psycholinguistic tradition inspired by such scholars as Hegel and Herder, as Leitch (2011) has pointed out: “Human consciousness is formed through linguistic interactions, and the language which constitutes consciousness is therefore always part of it, unable to be separated” (p. 306).
PLEBEIAN SOCIETIES, and especially the most famous of them, the London Corresponding Society (LCS), were a novelty and a defining feature of the political landscape of Britain in the 1790s. Those societies sprouted across London, the Midlands and the North of England and many Scottish towns and cities when the publication of Thomas Paine's Rights of Man (in two parts, 1791 and 1792) gave an impetus to reform movements and articulated a republican, anti-aristocratic, popular ideology. Drawing their membership largely but not exclusively from among the disenfranchised artisan classes, popular societies agitated for a thoroughgoing reform of parliamentary representation, including universal manhood suffrage, annual (or very frequent) elections, a fair representation of cities, the abolition of rotten boroughs, pensions, sinecures and other forms of royal, aristocratic and government patronage. Although extra-parliamentary politics existed, and popular participation in political rituals such as elections was usual, and indeed expected, in England before the 1790s, the LCS and similar societies challenged the established order, as the initiative came from disenfranchised subjects. They were no longer expressions of a deferential political culture monitored by local élites, but posed a challenge to it. The government and conservative sectors of public opinion could not believe that mere artisans could set up political associations by themselves and they suspected that they were manipulated by aristocrats or wealthy individuals. In the history of political sociability, large popular societies are of interest because they tried, with a considerable degree of success, to devise democratic rules of procedure, to attract new members among the disenfranchised and to educate them into citizenship. But those attempts at a democratic sociability were fraught with difficulties, because the norms of respectability – which were to be followed in order to be considered respectable and, by implication, worthy of the suffrage and a legitimate political opinion – constrained the radicals’ room for manoeuvre, their agency. They were faced with the choice of adhering to middle-class norms in order to be taken seriously and earn their badges of citizenship, or to act up and flout conventions. The LCS, or at least its official instances and its authorised spokesmen, adopted the respectable strategy – a precarious one, given that the context of war with France made the expression of deviant political expression more and more difficult and, after December 1795, virtually untenable.
The proposed methodology is based on a (global and multi-criteria) simplified environmental but thorough assessment. In this stage we do not directly give the solution to designers. It will therefore translate the results of evaluation design axes, but in general, the lines proposed are inconsistent or contradictory. Therefore, what we find is a compromise given to the solution. The challenge we are facing in an industrial reality is that one should not go for a compromise solution. TRIZ (Teorija Reshenija Izobretateliskih Zadatch) or the theory of solving inventive problems, in the field, will be reformulated and go through the contradiction matrix and then intervene with the principles of interpretation resolutions to give possible solutions. To assist small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in their product development, the objective of this paper is to propose a methodological approach named Ecatriz, that will allow us to achieve our eco-innovative goal. The applicability of this method is justified by the many contradictions in the choices in a study of the life cycle. As a starting point, a qualitative multi-criteria matrix will allow the prioritization of all impacts on the environment. A customized implementation of the inventive TRIZ (Teorija Reshenija Izobretateliskih Zadatch, Russian acronym for theory of solving inventive problems) principles will help us choose eco-innovative solutions. To that end, we have created a new approach named Ecatriz (ecological approach TRIZ), based on a new contradiction matrix. It was tested in various contexts, such as the “24 h of Innovation” competition and eco-innovative patents.
Irradiation resistance of metallic nanostructured multilayers is determined by the interactions between defects and phase boundaries. However, the dose-dependent interfacial morphology evolution can greatly change the nature of the defect–boundary interaction mechanisms over time. In the present study, we used atomistic models combined with a novel technique based on the accumulation of Frenkel pairs to simulate irradiation processes. We examined dose effects on defect evolutions near zirconium–niobium multilayer phase boundaries. Our simulations enabled us to categorize defect evolution mechanisms in bulk phases into progressing stages of dislocation accumulation, saturation, and coalescence. In the metallic multilayers, we observed a phase boundary absorption mechanism early on during irradiation, while at higher damage levels, the increased irradiation intermixing triggered a phase transformation in the Zr–Nb mixture. This physical phenomenon resulted in the emission of a large quantity of small immobile dislocation loops from the phase boundaries.
Is there some absolute
such that for any claw-free graph
, the chromatic number of the square of
is the clique number of
? Erdős and Nešetřil asked this question for the specific case where
is the line graph of a simple graph, and this was answered in the affirmative by Molloy and Reed. We show that the answer to the more general question is also yes, and, moreover, that it essentially reduces to the original question of Erdős and Nešetřil.
The Patient Experiences and Satisfaction with Medications (PESaM) questionnaire was recently developed. It consists of two disease-specific modules for evaluating drug treatment of idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis (IPF) and atypical hemolytic uremic syndrome (aHUS): (i) a generic module applicable to any medication, and (ii) a patient expectations module. This study assessed the validity and reliability of the generic module in a large sample of patients in the Netherlands.
In 2017, the PESaM-questionnaire was sent out to IPF patients on pirfenidone or nintedanib, aHUS patients receiving eculizumab, and patients using advagraf after kidney transplantation. The generic module consists of 16 items related to the domains effectiveness, side-effects and ease of use, and assesses patient experiences regarding the impact of the medication on daily life and health, and satisfaction. Mean scores for each domain were calculated using a scoring algorithm. Content validity, construct validity, and reliability were assessed using recommended methods.
Patients (n=188) completed the generic module of whom 48 percent used pirfenidone, 36 percent nintedanib, 11 percent advagraf, and 5 percent eculizumab. Content validity was established. Expected associations between patient experiences, satisfaction, and quality of life (QoL) were generally confirmed, demonstrating construct validity. For example, a moderate to strong positive association was found between patient experiences and satisfaction with side-effects (correlation coefficient 0.625, p < 0.05), and low (positive) associations were found between patient experiences and QoL. Importantly, the PESaM-questionnaire was able to discriminate between patients using different medications. Intraclass correlation coefficients, for test-retest reliability, ranged between good and excellent for most domains.
The PESaM questionnaire is a promising tool to provide scientific evidence regarding the patient's perspective in health technology assessments and reimbursement decision-making regarding (expensive) medications, but can also support shared decision-making and appropriate use of medication at the individual patient level. Further research will assess the questionnaire's responsiveness and generalizability of results to other patient populations.