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The chapter starts with Fanon’s criticism of the so-called dependency complex of the colonized and ends with him playing the Arab Doctor in Blida--Joinville, devising forms of social therapy and ergotherapy. In between, I read fiction by Aminatta Forna which examines forms of resilience in the dispossessed not graspable by ubiquitous psychiatric paradigms.
This chapter examines two novels by Teju Cole and one by Rawi Hage to examine the intersection of race, class, and migrancy in the context of the psychoanalytic unconscious. The Cole novels have analysts as their city-walker protagonists, while the Hage novel gives us a character who is being analyzed (when he is not scuttling around the city like a cockroach). The chapter ends with the work of Abbasi, a migrant analyst.
I shadow two free clinics in London, using documentary film and cinema and Kashmir to frame the challenge of treating populations who are trapped in or displaced by perpetual war. The two initiatives include an intercultural therapy center and a gardening project, both in London, and each of these interventions is studied for method, techniques, and outcomes.
Introduction to the research claims and objectives of the work as a whole, paying attention to the fraught relationship between psychoanalysis, race, and poverty. A historical outline of the Freudian free clinic movement is used to examine the viability of an adapted psychoanalysis, with its components of free or low-fee therapy, community outreach, lay counselors, etc.
This chapter begins with vigilante activists who have strained to introduce therapeutic dimensions to traditional psychiatric treatment. The case studies include torture victims at Bellevue Hospital, who have sought asylum in the US after enduring political atrocities in their homeland; homeless persons being sheltered and made capable of securing independent housing; and children in a therapeutic nursery whose abuse at the hands of their carers points to the depredations of slavery and racism.
This chapter looks at free clinics in three Indian cities, namely Benguluru, Chennai, and Kolkata, looking at the training and deployment of “barefoot researchers” drawn from the community and sent back to the community. I examine the case studies in detail to weigh the benefits and disadvantages of these free clinic initiatives.