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The objective of this paper was to examine the implementation and effectiveness of a community-based intervention for hoarding disorder (HD) using Cognitive Rehabilitation and Exposure/Sorting Therapy (CREST).
This was a mixed-method, pre-post quasi-experimental study informed by the Practical, Robust Implementation and Sustainability Model for implementation science.
Program activities took place in San Diego County, mainly within clients’ homes or community, with some activities in-office.
Participants were aged 60 years or older, met eligibility for Medi-Cal or were uninsured, and met criteria for HD.
A manualized, mobile protocol that incorporated CREST was utilized.
The Clutter Image Rating and Hoarding Rating Scale were used as effectiveness outcomes. An investigator-created staff questionnaire was used to evaluate implementation.
Thirty-seven clients were reached and enrolled in treatment and 15 completed treatment during the initial 2 years of the program. There were significant changes in hoarding severity and clutter volume. Based on the initial 2 years of the program, funding was provided for expansion to cover additional San Diego County regions and hire more staff clinicians in year three.
Preliminary data suggest that the CREST intervention can be successfully implemented in a community setting with positive results for older adults with HD.
In this article, we describe the results of the second phase of a randomized controlled trial of Minding the Baby (MTB), an interdisciplinary reflective parenting intervention for infants and their families. Young first-time mothers living in underserved, poor, urban communities received intensive home visiting services from a nurse and social worker team for 27 months, from pregnancy to the child's second birthday. Results indicate that MTB mothers' levels of reflective functioning was more likely to increase over the course of the intervention than were those of control group mothers. Likewise, infants in the MTB group were significantly more likely to be securely attached, and significantly less likely to be disorganized, than infants in the control group. We discuss our findings in terms of their contribution to understanding the impacts and import of intensive intervention with vulnerable families during the earliest stages of parenthood in preventing the intergenerational transmission of disrupted relationships and insecure attachment.
Chaque discours y reste inégal, à lui-même inadéquat [Each discourse remains uneven, inadequate in itself]. (Derrida 2013: 324)
Issues of authenticity in art are always urgent and often involve gender politics, making any discussion about gender-based visual expressions a worthwhile albeit convoluted challenge. Assigning, recognising and validating the intrinsic originality of a visual record as the unequivocal expression of a recognisable gendered narrative continue to be contested theoretical battlefields. For instance, could it be that a scene from a silent amateur film showing people strolling in a garden indicates through its visual indexicality the gender of the filmmaker? It is possible to prove that such a claim is more than just a precarious exercise in media and perception studies only if the starting point of analysis is not anchored, as perhaps expected, in the study of the filmmaker's choice of framing, editing or overall narrative. The starting point of analysis should then be centred on the meticulous decoding of the visual responses, on the behavioural feedback offered by the people filmed – their context-driven ways of returning the filmmaker's gaze. This is particularly important since recent studies have shown that audiences are prone to appoint ex officio the gender of a visual artist – painter, photographer, filmmaker, sculptor etc. – based primarily on the core themes and details depicted. As noted in Chapter 3, Elizabeth A. Bloomfield has demonstrated that ‘gender role stereotyping along with the gender of the participant affects the symbolism within the artwork that results in the attribution of artwork being created by a male or female artists’ (Bloomfield 2015: iv). Moreover, she proved that learning about gender roles in specific cultural contexts usually leads to stereotypical thinking, and consequently to future genre-role stereotypical representations. One of Bloomfield's revealing examples, and one especially relevant to the discussion of amateur films made by women, is that concerning Jan Steen's painting, Life of Man, made in 1665 (Bloomfield 2015: 33). This is a sumptuously detailed theatre-stage-like image of a prosperous household where each member, old and young, male or female, is busily focusing on their tasks at hand, from preparing oysters for dinner to singing, negotiating, or flirting underneath a golden birdcage and under the gaze of a boy playing with a human skull.
‘Who, Raymond? Never. He never touched it. It was my mother and my sister who used the camera and took cine-films’, said Nancy Vernede (née Kendall) in 2004 when interviewed about a collection of colonial amateur films made in India in the 1930s and 1940s, and which until then British film archivists catalogued under the title of Vernede Collection and credited it to Raymond Veveysan Vernede, Nancy's husband. From 1928 until India's independence in 1947, Mr Vernede worked in the United Provinces (present-day Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand states) as a district officer in the Indian Colonial Service. In her interview, Nancy had fortuitously reattributed the authorship of this 240-minute colonial amateur footage and, perhaps most importantly, exposed it to new critical and theoretical interpretations. Rather than having been the unitary, organic work of a male amateur filmmaker, the film collection now comprised two sets of films. The first five films, made between 1933 and 1935 on black and white 16mm, belonged to Nancy's mother, Isabella Clare Bothwell, who experimented with amateur filmmaking while living in Allahabad at the time when her husband, Sir Charles Henry Bayley Kendall, served as the Judge of the Allahabad High Court (1928–35). The remaining fourteen films, made between 1933 and 1946 on black and white and on colour 8mm film, had been recorded by Nancy's sister, Mrs Barbara Donaldson (née Kendall), while living and travelling across India and England. Nancy's somewhat bemused clarification regarding the authorship of the Kendall Collection pivoted the interpretation of what until then seemed to be an unexceptional set of colonial amateur films made during the final years of the British Raj. The gender-based change in authorship produced an ad hoc ‘terror of method’ – the need to access and verify all possible research sources and methodologies (Eliade 1988: 29). It also prompted several, urgent research questions. For instance, is it necessary or even possible to amend the critical agenda usually employed when discussing man-made colonial amateur films – the default critical perspective applied to most colonial amateur films – such that it could be equally relevant to the analysis of woman-made colonial amateur films? Also, is it possible to establish that a home movie acquires new or nuanced meanings once the gender of the amateur filmmaker is known?
Presenting, analysing or comparing to amateur films made by over forty British women during most of the twentieth century remains nevertheless an initial survey of the vast and complex research sources and of their specific visual literacy. Their hobbyist practice was frequently an exercise in nuanced cultural and identity uphill battles, while creatively migrating from fixed, established social networks, and across personal rites of passage, towards self-empowering roles as producers of global culture. Whether teachers, homemakers, unmarried, middle or upper class, avid travellers or deeply anchored in remote communities, most British women who experimented with amateur filmmaking on film or video remain difficult to classify, both as psychological typologies and as women who chose to be behind a film camera in order to picture their identities in front of it – the images they filmed acting as their self-portraits. All done, fought for and expressed with polite and creative diligence in a ‘man's’ world and benefiting from a recently granted access to political entitlement. Importantly, their authorial and visual agency has translated more so than confirmed cultural assumptions about gender hierarchies and narratives. Many of their amateur films succeeded, directly or tangentially, voluntarily or accidentally, to break story-telling taboos and therefore the legacy of their diverse visual texts requires cross-disciplinary scrutiny. As they animated, recorded informally family scenes, and made documentaries, women amateur filmmakers were creating a corpus of visually mediated historical experience often against, or within, male-dominated master narratives. Patriarchal structures and assumptions shaped their everyday worlds for decades, even when they had agency and elements of autonomy within their personal lives. Today, their work, whether the simplest single cine reel with domestic scenes, or a carefully edited production, offers an uncharted theoretical territory. It was for these reasons that we chose to combine historical perspectives with experimenting with theories borrowed from visual and social anthropology, and with concepts such as autobiographical memory and the process of creating a storied self, when exploring some of the case studies discussed in this volume. Writing from complementary but contrasting perspectives, we hope that these women filmmakers’ practices open fresh routes to the interpretation of amateur cinema.
[E]nabled by their wealth and social rank, they were citizens of just about everywhere: the private home; the public world and the reaches of empire. (Williams 2000: 185)
Unlike the ubiquitous mimetic reach of contemporary social media devices, small enough to fit into the body, let alone a pocket or a bag, early amateur cinema concerned people with relative wealth and influence: if not quite the omnipotent world citizen elite, identified by Williams (2000: 185), still confident enough to record the world as they saw it. Filmmakers abroad enjoyed a freedom to film sustained by what Bhabha (1984: 129) calls the ambivalence of colonial discourse and also the dual complicity needed to maintain the mantle of civility. If the spurious entitlement to picture others rested upon increasingly contested notions of superiority based upon race, colour and class, back in Britain, dwindling imperial authority, international influence and economic strength were impacting subtly upon women's everyday lives too, along with the gradual decline in traditional privilege. This changing national identity and role on the world stage not only affected people's lives and shaped their responses in practical and personal ways: for filmmakers, as shown in this chapter, it informed the filmmaking context, whether or not at a conscious level.
Women's visual practice, in Lerner's (1977: xvi–xvii) words, helps to validate women's experiences and the rhythms of their lives. Away from fictional or story plays and other non-fiction club productions, their filmmaking was often biographical and autobiographical. It reflected immediate circumstances and self-sustained interests. Using oral histories, correspondence, archival and printed sources, this discussion foregrounds the enthusiasm, pride and achievement associated with filmmaking. Film remains the central raw material of enquiry but filmmakers’ practice and experiences feature too, reflecting interviewees’ interests and pertinent historical issues. Commonalities link different stories and hold relevance for women's visual practices and literacies studied elsewhere and, given the richness of this little-mined amateur visual record, still awaiting discovery.
These filmmakers were not hobby press readers and had little or no sustained contact with organised amateur activity although occasionally they later linked with clubs. Their discovery has often been serendipitous.
Don't give up … it's worth it for the magic and lasting pleasure animation can bring. (Graber 1982: 231)
For the amateur turned professional animator, Sheila Graber, cats and cartoons seem inseparable and part of the lasting pleasure of making films. As companions while she animates and as recurring characters, her feline figures are part of what Wells (1998: 122) calls an inner personal world made visible by animation. Their role in offering practical tips and reassurance to the amateur animator spanned decades: they enlivened an often earnest hobby literature and were reminders that even the committed amateur could be playful. Given their wider association with animation history, might we see also Graber's cats as an embodiment of the successful animator's skill in combining personal curiosity, ingenuity and patience? If, as Honess Roe (2013: 106) suggests, animation relies upon oblique and often metaphorical ways to evoke meaning and response, her notion of the genre's capacity to tap into memories and histories passed on through families and indeed whole cultures also seems pertinent to exploring female amateur animation. Given women's roles in curating cultural knowledge and family biographies, animated storytelling offers alternative ways of sharing historical experiences. The surrealist animator Jan Svankmajer, in his BBC broadcast The Magic Art of Jan Svankmajer in 1992, also suggests that animation helps to redefine the everyday (cited in Wells 1998). It invites viewers to question reality and challenge perceptions. Writing about the British animator, Joanna Quinn, Gomez (2010) speaks of ‘the small details which fuel our everyday life’ and anecdotes that provide her inspiration; Garcia (2010) similarly refers to how ‘intimate routine moments’ and ‘fragments’ of reality provide Quinn's ‘raw material’ and ‘source of creative input’. As seen later, Graber draws much of her humour from familiar places and people. Animating thus holds a mirror to the live action discussed in this book and highlights how, in Roe's (2013: 22) words, animation's capacity to reach ‘temporally, geographically, and psychologically’ enables some women to explore aspects of their own lives and circumstances more freely.
National narratives of animation history have long privileged male agency and under-recognised women's contribution. As Britain's pioneering animators gain better visibility, it is appropriate to identify those women animators who made films alone, or with friends or family.
The first book to address the topic of British women amateur filmmakers The study of amateur filmmaking and media history is a rapidly-growing specialist field, and this ground-breaking book is the first to address the subject in the context of British women's amateur practice. Using an interdisciplinary framework that draws upon social and visual anthropology, imperial and postcolonial studies, and British and Commonwealth history, the book explores how women used the evolving technologies of the moving image to write visual narratives about their lives and times. Locating women's recreational visual practice within a century of profound societal, technological and ideological change, British Women Amateur Filmmakers discloses how women negotiated aspects of their changing lifestyles, attitudes and opportunities through first-person visual narratives about themselves and the world around them.
The involvement of women was absolutely vital. I don't think the IAC or any club would have survived without women's involvement, whether or not they were filmmakers.
Phillip Collins’ assessment of women's marginalisation within Britain's amateur visual practice draws upon almost fifty years of being involved with the IAC. Reclaiming these neglected roles reappraises the IAC's own development as it brought visibility and coherence to twentieth-century recreational filmmaking. Testimonies from current long-serving IAC members produce a picture of single and married women who gained reputations as dedicated club members and innovative filmmakers. Newer archival acquisitions also point to more women making films than suggested by a hobby press that long downplayed women's agency (Norris Nicholson 2012a: 62–91). Previously untold stories drawn from its own practitioners and paperwork thus reinvigorate the contradictions, skewed gender politics and rather inward-looking nature of past amateur film activity.
Tony Rose (1971: 153) admitted ‘Amateur filmmaking is a notoriously male-dominated pursuit’ and under his editorship, Movie Maker featured cover-girls and pin-ups and advertisements for filming nudity. While the hobby literature's tone possibly alienated some would-be practitioners for years, it also indicates that women remained an active minority within organised filmmaking circles even if focusing solely on their known film output. Another narrative emerges, however, from interviews with filmmakers or people who knew them, other printed matter and identifiable films made by women. These additional sources reveal how gendered visual practices and supportive roles developed across cine networks, inflected by geographical, sociopolitical and cultural differences. They augment our understanding of the part played by formal filmmaking groups in women's lives and their varied contributions to evolving amateur visual practices.
Women's emerging visibility within a more broadly conceived amateur film practice may be set alongside emerging histories of British women's professional involvement in visual media and broadcasting (Hockenhull 2017; Gledhill and Knight 2015; Foster et al. 1998). Like their paid contemporaries, amateur practitioners assumed overlooked roles and responsibilities that have often been credited solely to men. Apart from their hidden contributions to scriptwriting, editing, sound, titling, continuity and other practical aspects of location and post-production work, women were often key to keeping clubs going. Their levels of voluntary commitment and service resemble gendered patterns of activity in other associational networks and settings (Hinton 2002: 213–30).
Two images, four captions and an infinity of possible storylines. The first is a studio portrait showing a woman wearing a beautifully brocaded fin de siècle dress and a young boy in a sailor suit, possibly her son. Ill at ease and with an air of anxious vigilance, the woman sits on a simple white chair, her left hand gripping the armrest. The boy stands by her side, his right hand tucked into his trousers’ pocket and his left hand resting on the other armrest, almost touching the woman's right hand. Neither are smiling. The image has two captions: ‘I was happy to have one mistress only, and she raised our child’, and ‘Their passion fizzled out’ respectively. The second image is a snapshot of four African men recorded in the early 1970s, somewhere on a rural dirt road. One of the men is walking towards the camera, sporting a fashionable hat; another is staring at the camera while posing in front of a utility pole; the third is standing behind them, stopped in mid-action, hands on hips; the fourth man is busy in the background and possibly unaware of the photographer's presence. The two captions for this image read: ‘But she dreamed of far-away places’ and ‘He left for the furthermost away place’. These two photographs belong to a set of thirty-six family photographs reproduced as postcards and used by Valérie Mréjen when designing Images en quête d'histoires (2017) – a media project in which the participants arranged these images to create separate collective histories and personalised narratives. Mréjen's project resembles a Lego-images game which, owing to its multiple narrative options, brings into dialogue media ethics protocols in place when using private or public archival photographs and Umberto Eco's claim that ‘[t]he attempt to look for a final … meaning leads to the acceptance of a never-ending drift or sliding of meaning’ (Eco 1992: 32). Media scholars regularly apply this Lego-style visual narratorial exercise when analysing still or moving amateur images – a by-product methodology prompted by the need to negotiate constructions of collective master narratives in relation to individual visual identity formations. Importantly, issues of gender, race and private memory raised by amateur films, and amateur media in general, whether analogue or digital, amplify the ‘never-ending drift of meaning’ within ongoing contextualised assumptions about what might have been the hotographer's/filmmaker's deliberate or involuntary choice of topics.
Thirty-one children; Thirty-one chances. Thirty-one futures, our futures … Everything they become, I also become. And everything about me they helped to create. (Codell 2001)
Esmé Raji Codell (2001: 194) writing about her first year of teaching in a Chicago elementary school in 2001, captured her acute sense of how personal and professional subjectivities intersect. This close connection is not unique to newly qualified teachers; for many teachers it is part of classroom relationships that combine authority, agency and emotion as aptly summarised by Deborah Britzman's words, ‘We are affected by the worlds we affect’ (2006: xi). Such reminders sensitise us to the expectations, experience and awareness embedded within cine films made by teachers in the past. Not only did those professionals have to negotiate their own roles with their pupils and colleagues: the opinions of parents and other people, social attitudes and past stereotypes all contribute to teacher identity. From the early and middle part of the last century, whether college trained or advancing from pupilteacher status in their own local school, being a paid woman professional challenged gender norms and expectations. For the women in this chapter – and referred to elsewhere – filmmaking was part of how they navigated their sense of selfhood in settings where the contradictions of tradition and modernity coexisted.
Throughout the history of amateur cinema, some women filmmakers have been teachers. They made films during school holidays, encouraged others to make and enjoy films, and filmed where they worked. Public fears and policy shifts on child protection have greatly reduced informal filming in schools even for parents, but for much of the last century, teachers had unrestricted access to recording their pupils. Outside academia, such scenes of past school life have popular appeal as unproblematic visual connectives to aspects of childhood and growing up. Public appetite for such materials’ immediacy and connections to past memories often pays scant attention to the person in charge of the camera. Shifting attention to the filmmakers, however, discloses interests in recording in and away from the classroom that, for some women, became key features of their own visual practice, reputation and identity. This chapter explores how some women teachers responded to the visual opportunities offered by moving imagery and produced films sometimes discussed too narrowly as nostalgic reverie (Chalfren, 1987: 75; Ishizuka and Zimmermann 2008; Niemeyer 2014).