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Silphium spp. have garnered interest in Europe as a bioenergy crop and in North America as a perennial oilseed crop. However, very little has been done at this early stage of domestication to characterize wild collections for many key characteristics, including important oilseed traits. The objective of this work was to develop a basic understanding of how biogeography and associated population genetic forces have shaped seed phenotypes in plant collections across the native range of Silphium integrifolium Michx. (Asteraceae: Heliantheae), the primary domestication candidate for oilseed use. A collection of 53 accessions was grown in a common environment in Salina, KS, which is a location well within the native range of the species in central North America. Plants from each collection site were randomly mated by hand to produce seed representative of each accession, and the seeds subjected to seed dimensional trait, oil content and oil composition analyses. Kernel width varied along a latitudinal cline of collection site, while kernel length varied across a longitudinal cline. Palmitic and linoleic acids were inversely correlated with each other and varied along a longitudinal cline of the collection site. The results indicate that accessions collected from more southwesterly sites tended to have larger seed and those from more westerly sites had higher linoleic acid content and lower palmitic and myristic acids, which are all desirable phenotypes for an oilseed Silphium.
In this essay, I distinguish two dimensions of responsibility: (i) responsibility for expressing the will (character, motives, and purposes) one has in action (voluntarily and without constraint) and (ii) responsibility for having the will one expresses in action. I argue that taking both of these dimensions into account is necessary to do full justice to our understanding of moral responsibility and our ordinary practices of holding persons responsible in moral and legal contexts. I further argue that the distinction between these dimensions of responsibility is importantly related to understanding age-old debates about the freedom of the will. For the first dimension of responsibility is historically related to the freedom of action—the power to freely express the will one already has in action. While the second dimension is historically related to the freedom of the will—the power to freely form or shape that will one may later express in action. And I argue that while the freedom of action so defined may be compatible with determinism, the freedom of will, and the deeper responsibility associated with it for forming one’s own will, which I call “ultimate responsibility,” are not compatible with a thoroughgoing determinism. In arguing throughout the essay for these claims and for the need to take into account both of these dimensions to do full justice to our understanding of moral responsibility, I consider ordinary practices of holding persons responsible in a variety of moral and legal contexts, discussing in the process H. L. A. Hart’s “fair opportunity to avoid wrongdoing” criterion for assessing responsibility and blame in legal and criminal contexts, the relevance of recent experimental studies about folk intuitions concerning assessments of responsibility and blame, Harry Frankfurt’s critique of the “principle of alternative possibilities,” the distinction between “will-settled” and “will-setting” actions, and contemporary critiques of the very possibility and intelligibility of an ultimate responsibility for forming one’s own will that would be incompatible with determinism.
There is uncertainty about the incidence of breakthrough psychosis in treatment adherent patients, and the role that factors, such as cumulative antipsychotic exposure, play in this phenomenon.
In a nationwide cohort of individuals treated for schizophrenia-spectrum disorders in Finland between 1 January 1996 and 31 December 2015, ‘Breakthrough Psychosis on Antipsychotic Maintenance Medication’ (BAMM) was defined as hospitalization for psychosis despite ongoing continuous treatment with long-acting injectable antipsychotics (LAIs) or oral antipsychotics (OAPs) for ⩾8 weeks. Incidence rates, survival curves, and risk factors were presented.
In a cohort of 16 031 continuous LAI treatment episodes with virtually assured adherence [median duration = 441 days, interquartile range (IQR) = 155–1277], BAMM incidence was 31.5%. For 42 867 OAPs treatment episodes (median duration = 483 days, IQR = 167–1491), for whom adherence was modeled by the PRE2DUP method, BAMM incidence was 31.1%. Factors related to illness instability at treatment onset were associated with BAMM, although median time to BAMM was 291 days (IQR = 121–876) for LAIs and 344 days (IQR = 142–989) for OAPs, and 27.4% (N = 1386) of the BAMM events in the LAI, and 32.9% (N = 4378) in the OAP group occurred despite >1 year since last hospitalization at treatment onset. Cumulative antipsychotic exposure was not a consistent risk factor.
BAMM was relatively common even when adherence was confirmed with LAIs. Illness instability at treatment onset accounted for most cases, but relapse after years of continuous treatment was still prevalent. There was insufficient evidence to support causality between cumulative antipsychotic exposure and BAMM. Future research needs to address the role of symptom severity and neurobiology in BAMM.
Our main result establishes Andrews’ conjecture for the asymptotic of the generating function for the number of integer partitions of
consecutive parts. The methods we develop are applicable in obtaining asymptotics for stochastic processes that avoid patterns; as a result they yield asymptotics for the number of partitions that avoid patterns.
Holroyd, Liggett, and Romik, in connection with certain bootstrap percolation models, introduced the study of partitions without
consecutive parts. Andrews showed that when
, the generating function for these partitions is a mixed-mock modular form and, thus, has modularity properties which can be utilized in the study of this generating function. For
, the asymptotic properties of the generating functions have proved more difficult to obtain. Using
-series identities and the
case as evidence, Andrews stated a conjecture for the asymptotic behavior. Extensive computational evidence for the conjecture in the case
was given by Zagier.
This paper improved upon early approaches to this problem by identifying and overcoming two sources of error. Since the writing of this paper, a more precise asymptotic result was established by Bringmann, Kane, Parry, and Rhoades. That approach uses very different methods.
The aim of this book has been to explore everyday perceptions and manifestations of the past in England from the early thirteenth to the late fifteenth centuries. Memory was ubiquitous in many strands of life during this period, underpinning the shape of religious, economic, and social institutions, and accruing new kinds of gendered meaning for men and women with each stage of the life cycle. Most significant, though, was its prevalence in everyday situations where the past was used to make sense of the present and to plan for the future. Custom, rights over land and property, memories of life events, and commemoration depended on types of remembrance – social, environmental, personal, or generational – that overlapped, but were organised and deployed in distinctive ways. Gender was a central influence upon attitudes towards the past, both reinforcing patriarchal values through normative models of behaviour, and offering a field in which these could be contested and redefined.
Versions of the past conveyed strands of men and women's gendered experiences in subjectivities that revealed the anticipation of the law in everyday life. The intrinsic function of the law influenced people's social, economic, and religious behaviour from the outset, while awareness of its nuances and malleability saw the emergence and use of recognisable motifs and tropes in narratives that shifted subtly over time. Representations of the past in witness testimony did not signify the existence of unmediated discourses, but instead contained interpretations of the law based on the perceptions of litigants, witnesses, and their counsel. Social experience was formed in part through contact with and apprehension of the law both inside and outside the courts, and legal processes developed and adapted in turn through their use in local communities.
A mounting interest in the circumstances of sin by the late twelfth century, coupled with a growing emphasis on conscience and intention in pastoral theology, fostered a fixation with memory in church-court testimony. In these nascent judicial contexts, examiners trialled novel ways of eliciting testimony, using methods which had perhaps been transmitted by learned churchmen and administrators schooled in canon law and theology. Experiments in the application of canon law coincided with a marked expansion in pastoral literature from the early thirteenth century onwards, which had a pervasive influence on many facets of social and spiritual experience.
From the emergence of classical architectures of memory to their medieval revival in modified form, the places and spatial tone of remembrance dominated discussion in intellectual treatises. Attributed most often to the ancient Greek poet Simonides, this system of learned mnemotechnics entailed the allocation of memory images to assigned places from which they could be retrieved with greater ease. This elite practice declined as a method of recalling the past during the early and high Middle Ages, only becoming more widespread in schools and monasteries from the thirteenth century onwards. Despite the intellectual foundations of architectural memory, the local environment had long structured the memories of inhabitants regardless of their literate expertise. Literate practices were increasingly prevalent in late medieval culture but, as discussed in the previous chapter, the use of written records was not yet evenly distributed across the social levels. Familiar landscapes and places were therefore one of the most prominent ways of storing and prompting memories in everyday life.
The historical analysis of space, landscape, and place has developed in tandem with the expansion of tools for exploring the physical environment, resulting in the ‘spatial turn’ in history over the past two decades. Earlier works in historical geography conceptualised physical pasts primarily through the static lens of place, but more recent studies in the social sciences note the extent to which space was a more active site of cultural and economic production, including the reification of class relations. Sociologists and human geographers highlight the social construction of space and the landscape, emphasising their fluid nature and their ideological composition. Henri Lefebvre outlined an influential tripartite system which comprised practices of lived space and its accompanying routines; representational space which embodied knowledge about space and its construction; and symbolic space expressed through ideological beliefs and images. The shifting dynamics between narrative structure and the physical environment can also produce ‘spatial stories’, through the arrangement of places and spaces ‘in linear or interlaced series’. From the perspective of legal testimony presented to the church courts, witnesses recalled journeys between sites and spaces in ways that conveyed specific representations of past events and relationships.
Men and women framed the past using narratives and symbols centred on physical experiences and practices accumulated over long periods. Existing works on memory and the body in medieval culture, however, focus more on their interrelation in learned rather than non-elite contexts. For instance, the intellectual tradition of the ars memoria emphasised synaesthesia and embodiment in the formation of memory. The human heart was itself interpreted as the storehouse for memory in ancient and medieval thought, and was often used as a metaphor for remembrance in literary and religious texts. A number of studies on mystical texts similarly note how the body became a site of contemplation and mortification as men and women channelled affective responses to Christ and his suffering. By the mid-fourteenth century, the Passion was itself enshrined in devotional lyrics in the form of the literary Charters of Christ, in which legalistic language and structures were applied to the metaphor of Christ's crucified body. Likewise, pain was inflicted upon young bodies in both pedagogic and everyday settings, especially in cases concerning proof of land ownership, demonstrating a belief that physical chastisement could help imprint memories of past events.
Such work highlights the embodied nature of remembrance, particularly in religious settings, yet the relationship between memory and the body in lay contexts remains underexplored. A constellation of practices underpinned the formation of memory in everyday life as embodied pasts were recalled in accounts that centred on the body and its affective states. This included fields of behaviour where the role of gender seems more overt, like sexual activity and childbirth, as well as areas such as work and physical violence, where gender initially appears less central but on closer analysis exerted a constitutive force. Popular memories thus developed in bodies that bore meaning in the present, by accommodating individual and collective notions from the past. This chapter explores the use and formulation of physical forms of memory in everyday contexts, while sexual and reproductive histories are addressed separately in Chapter 4.
Memories associated with the body and its practices represented attempts to stabilise physical behaviour into coherent testimony.
In 1269, Alice de Mordon testified on the birth of Cecilia, daughter of Bartholomew of Scuynewell, twelve years earlier in the village of Ashwell in Hertfordshire. Alice told the court that she remembered when Cecilia was born ‘because she was her wet nurse, and nursed her for two years’, and her own son had been born in the same year. Initiated in the archdeaconry of Huntingdon, the suit concentrated on Cecilia's age at marriage, which her family claimed had fallen short of the legal requirement of twelve for girls, hence fitting the impediment of nonage. Other women in the same case also based their testimony on memories of childbirth and nurture. One Matilda de Hinteworth recalled that she had travelled late in her pregnancy to give birth in the village of Ashwell, where Cecilia's mother brought her alms during her time in child-bed. Similar in function to men's evidence in proof-of-age inquests, testimony of this kind instead foregrounds women's memories of birth and highlights their ability to navigate both social norms and legal expectations.
Pregnancy and childbirth were common motifs in women's narratives and, as evidence like Alice's suggests, birth and early maternity offered a set of recognisable rhythms by which the past could be described. Current interpretations of the relationship between gender and memory, however, flatten the complexities of men and women's engagement with corporeal and reproductive memory. Existing works associate memories of childbirth with women in particular, characterising female remembrance as attuned to the reproductive life cycle and the home. Several studies explore male experiences of the birth-chamber and acknowledge the extent to which women's memories informed men's evidence in legal fora where female testimony was prohibited. A narrow focus on birth alone, as well as the slant of such sources, nevertheless reinforces gendered assumptions that align men's memories with the ‘public’ sphere and women's with the domestic. By addressing memories of sexuality and generation more squarely, the complex ways in which gender intersected with embodiment emerge in greater detail. The use of a broader framework also contributes to a more detailed understanding of the patriarchal and often judicial power structures that shaped legal encounters related to sex and generation.
In the preface to his Polychronicon, Ranulph Higden observed that ‘shortness of life, dullness of perception, numbness of the soul, weakness of memory and fruitless occupations prevent us from knowing many things, and forgetfulness is ever the stepmother and enemy of memory’. The capacity to remember was thus described through discourses of gender and kinship, emphasising the significant yet precarious role of women in preserving family memory. Higden's highly popular fourteenth-century history found its principal audience in the clergy and religious, with a smaller lay readership among the aristocracy and gentry. By the late fourteenth century, John Trevisa's vernacular translation of the Polychronicon widened its circulation among the mercantile and bourgeois classes, with a prologue that once more described ‘forȝetingnes’ as the ‘craft of a stepdamme’. The figurative alignment of stepmothers with the neglect of memory, while its preservation was associated with motherhood, not only embodied the concerns of lay elites, but also referenced wider social attitudes and fears of memorial rupture after widowhood.
This perceived role of female kin as guardians of memory emerged from the correlation of remembrance with practices deemed to be feminine. Mothers were characterized as responsible for the socialization of children and the everyday household, and this association extended to female relatives who were regarded as carers for the sick and dying, and as accountable for the commemoration of late husbands and other male kin. Yet perceptions of female remembrance did not always reflect the relationship between gender and memory in social practice. The mental categories that organized memorial roles were both socially constructed and ideological, influenced by gendered attitudes that shaped the maintenance of family history. The depiction of kin-group memory as feminine, for instance, embodied assumptions about gendered roles, the nature of unwritten memory, and the operation of the patriarchal household, while simultaneously occluding the contributions of husbands and fathers in the transmission of these histories. Male kin from gentry and aristocratic stock were intimately involved in the preservation of family memory through written histories, often relying on heraldic conventions to preserve their genealogies. Oral accounts of births, marriages, and bonds of kinship circulated among men and women at every social level. There were, nevertheless, profound differences in the way that gender influenced family memory, from the circulation of knowledge about ancestry to gendered perceptions of kinship, and from the organisation of family histories to encounters with the law.
Memories of custom and legal experience were imbued with gendered meaning in later medieval England. In social practice and in the courts, men and women engaged with local histories in ways that exemplified their relationship to the land and to the wider community. The remembrance of custom and rights arose from the coalescence of legal statements and more popular accounts of the past, communicated primarily through male testimony. In a late fifteenth-century dispute from Yorkshire over parochial rights, all forty-three witnesses from Kirkham Roo were men, producing a uniformly male version of parish history that was constituted by excluding others. Women of the village were thus absent from many formal versions of parish and manorial histories. Men's memories of local custom often omitted the role and agency of female neighbours and kin, due to ingrained perceptions of women's authority that encouraged their elision from legal accounts of the past.
Although greater formal significance was ascribed to men's evidence, women nevertheless contributed to the formation of parish and village pasts, by participating regularly in agrarian and communal practices that were conveyed across the generations. Personal experience operated alongside the remembrance of custom, gradually developing into a form of cultural memory that was passed down over generations. Male witnesses occasionally remembered local events and customs that were transmitted in accounts from mothers, aunts, and grandmothers as well as kinsmen. References to female relatives underlined the extent to which histories were recounted in mixed-sex family settings where women's memories were granted considerable authority even when men's stories were accorded more worth in the courts. Like other areas of memory, local histories of this kind were not straightforward accounts of past events, but were instead subjective interpretations of shared and collective histories, conveying elements of litigants’ and witnesses’ identities as well as the interests of sections of their community.
Memory provided the foundations for several key features of manorial and parish society. The church building itself was the site in which Christ's Passion was re-enacted at the altar during Mass, and his life was recalled in the festive cycles of the liturgical calendar. This culture of remembrance extended to the commemoration of the dead, who were remembered through their association with various objects, rituals, and places.