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A chariot drawn by two people, on which the Neo-Assyrian ruler is represented as either sitting on a throne or standing in a “chariot-box”, is attested from Assurnaṣirpal until Assurbanipal. It is deployed on the one hand for short journeys in the immediate environment of the palace or in areas which the king can reach neither by chariot nor on horseback. A similar vehicle is used on seals that contain ritual scenes. Although some details of these seal-scenes showing various reed constructions can be explained through reference to texts, carriages are not mentioned in the ritual texts.
Representations of foreigners in their strange attire have a long tradition in the Ancient Near East. While the Assyrian Empire was expanding during the early first millennium BC, the Assyrian kings ‒ with the help of skilled and even inspired craftsmen – attached a growing importance to the differentiation of their near neighbours and people further away. The palace reliefs of Assurnaṣirpal were of excellent craftsmanship, the garments, the hair-styles, the beards and the surrounding landscape were carefully rendered, quite often in every minute detail. Through these details the meaning of the ‘images’ became fully understandable to the well informed Assyrian viewer. Foreign people were not merely enemies, they were people in their own right.
3D scaffolds with different pore sizes, using single-walled carbon nanotubes (SWCNTs) and nanoparticles of different size were constructed. Biotinylated glucose oxidase (GOX-B) and anti-cholera toxin (anti-CT) were immobilized onto the one and two level nanoscaffolds, functionalized with pyrene-β-cyclodextrin for the construction of glucose based enzyme sensors and immunosensors, respectively. For enzyme sensors, highest current density and sensitivity (41.72 μA cm-2, 3 mA M-1 cm-2) were obtained with two level scaffolds made with 100 nm nanoparticles. In contrast to this, for immunosensors, highest current density and sensitivity (11.71 μA cm-2, 116.2 μA M-1 cm-2) were obtained with two level scaffolds made with 500 nm nanoparticles, indicating that the pore sizes can be adjusted using different size of nanoparticles for the respective applications.
It is widely debated in studies of international negotiations why certain negotiators are more successful than others. Institutionalist and rationalist approaches claim that institutions and negotiators’ resources largely explain the outcome of negotiations, whereas constructivist approaches stress the importance of shared norms and values. The article asks to what extent the use of normative arguments explains negotiation success in EU treaty negotiations. We apply our approach to the negotiations leading to the Treaty of Amsterdam. We first define normative arguments as justifications for positions that refer to common norms and develop a concept of common values for EU constitutional negotiations. Second, we assess to what degree governments justify their positions by normative arguments using an automated analysis of position papers. Finally, we ask if such justifications increase success in negotiations. The results of our statistical models show that arguing affects negotiation success significantly and positively.
During the last two decades, the change from custodial care provided by large institutions to community-focused services made considerable progress in Germany. However, nothing is known about how this is reflected in the public's acceptance of community psychiatry services.
The study is based on data from two population surveys among German citizens aged 18 years and over, living in the ‘old’ German States. The first was conducted in 1990 (n = 3067), the second in 2011 (n = 2416). With the help of identical questions, respondents’ attitudes towards psychiatric units at general hospitals and group homes for mentally ill people were assessed.
While the proportion of the public that explicitly welcomed establishing psychiatric units at general hospitals and opening group homes for mentally ill people decreased, the proportion of those who reacted with indifference increased. The proportion of the German population that explicitly rejected the implementation of these services remained unchanged.
While community psychiatry services expanded considerably over the last few years, the public's attitude towards them has not changed substantially.
Biological or genetic models of mental illness are commonly expected to increase tolerance towards people with mental illness, by reducing notions of responsibility and blame.
To investigate whether biogenetic causal attributions of mental illness among the general public are associated with more tolerant attitudes, whether such attributions are related to lower perceptions of guilt and responsibility, to what extent notions of responsibility are associated with rejection of people who are mentally ill, and how prevalent notions of responsibility are among the general public with regard to different mental disorders.
A systematic review was conducted of representative population studies examining attitudes towards people with mental illness and beliefs about such disorders.
We identified 33 studies relevant to this review. Generally, biogenetic causal attributions were not associated with more tolerant attitudes; they were related to stronger rejection in most studies examining schizophrenia. No published study reported on associations of biogenetic causal attributions and perceived responsibility. The stereotype of self-responsibility was unrelated to rejection in most studies. Public images of mental disorder are generally dominated by the stereotypes of unpredictability and dangerousness, whereas responsibility is less relevant.
Biogenetic causal models are an inappropriate means of reducing rejection of people with mental illness.
While quite a number of theories and hypotheses about gender differences in public beliefs and attitudes about mental illness have been proposed, the empirical evidence, particularly evidence based on population studies, is rather scarce.
A systematic review of population-based studies providing information on gender differences in beliefs about mental disorders and attitudes towards the mentally ill was carried out.
While both genders are no different in their willingness to seek informal help for mental illness, women seem more ready to recommend professional help than men. They also evaluate treatment outcomes more favourably. Women are more likely to endorse psychosocial conceptualizations of mental illness than men, and, in consequence, are more in favour of psychotherapy. With a few exceptions, women do not seem to display more favourable attitudes than men towards people with mental disorder. Female patients seem to be rejected by the public less than male patients.
Our review suggests that gender matters in public beliefs and attitudes about mental illness. Some theoretical assumptions are supported by empirical findings, others not. However, as evidence is rather scarce, further studies testing theory-driven hypotheses are needed.
Several population studies on beliefs about depression carried out in western countries during the 1990s have shown that the public clearly favors psychotherapy over antidepressant medication. The present study examines whether this phenomenon still exists at the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century.
Materials and Methods.
In 2009, a telephone survey was conducted among the population of Vienna aged 16 years and older (n = 1205). A fully structured interview was administered which began with the presentation of a vignette depicting a case of depression fulfilling the diagnostic criteria of DSM-IV for a moderate depressive episode.
Psychotherapists were most frequently endorsed as source of professional help. Antidepressant medication still was more frequently advised against than recommended. Respondents familiar with the treatment of depression tended to be more ready to recommend to seek help from mental health professionals and to endorse various treatment options, particularly medication.
At the end of the first decade of this century, there still exists a large gap between the public's beliefs and what mental health professionals consider appropriate for the treatment of depression. Therefore, further effort to improve the public's mental health literacy seems necessary.
A central assumption of deliberative theory is that political preferences are endogenous to decision-making processes in which they are transformed by communicative interaction. We identify discursiveness and coordination of interaction as central determinants of preference change and develop a typology of political modes of interaction that affect the likelihood of preference change differently. These properties are in turn influenced by institutional characteristics of the fora in which communicative interaction takes place. To illustrate our approach empirically we present a comparative analysis of two extreme modes of interaction, ‘debate’ and ‘deliberation’, providing a case study of a parliamentary debate and a citizen conference on the same conflict: the import of embryonic stem cells in Germany. We assess the discursiveness and coordination as well as the amount of preference transformation in both forums.
Aims – Based on findings from population surveys, we provide an overview of the public's emotional reactions to people with mental illness. Methods – A literature search for populations studies using measures of emotional response to people with mental illness was carried out. In addition, data on the public's emotional reactions, originating from representative surveys conducted in Germany in the years 1990, 1993 and 2001, were analysed. Results – Positive emotional reactions to people with mental illness are most prevalent, followed by fear and anger. This pattern appears relatively stable across different cultures. In recent years, the emotional response of the public remained unchanged or even deteriorated. The public seems to react quite differently to people with different mental disorders. Emotional reactions have a substantial effect on the desire for social distance. The association between familiarity with mental disorder and the desire for social distance is to a considerable extent mediated through emotions. Conclusions – The public's emotional reactions to people with mental disorder are relatively under-researched. More research may help better understand the complexities of the stigma surrounding mental illness. Interventions aimed at reducing the stigma of mental illness may benefit from paying more attention to emotions.
There is growing evidence that mental health literacy has improved in western countries in recent years. The question arises as to whether this trend is paralleled by an improvement of attitudes towards people with mental illness.
To examine the development of mental health literacy and the desire for social distance towards people with schizophrenia and major depressive disorder in Eastern Germany over a time period of eight years.
A trend analysis was carried out using data from two population surveys conducted in the eastern part of Germany in 1993 and 2001. By means of a fully structured interview psychiatric labelling, causal beliefs, help-seeking and treatment recommendations as well as the desire for social distance was assessed.
While there was an increase in the mental health literacy of the public, the desire for social distance from people with major depression and schizophrenia remained unchanged or even increased.
The assumption underlying a number of anti-stigma campaigns, namely that educating people about mental disorders may automatically lead to the improvement of their attitudes towards the mentally ill, appears questionable.
In recent years, there is growing interest in the study of cross-national policy convergence. Yet we still have a limited understanding of the phenomenon: Do we observe convergence of policies at all? Under which conditions can we expect that domestic policies converge or rather develop further apart? In this article, we address this research deficit. From a theoretical perspective, we concentrate on the explanatory power of three factors, namely international harmonization, transnational communication, and regulatory competition. In empirical terms, we analyze if and to what extent we can observe convergence of environmental policies across twenty-four industrialized countries between 1970 and 2000. We find an impressive degree of environmental policy convergence between the countries under investigation. This development is mainly caused by international harmonization and, to a considerable degree, also by transnational communication, whereas regulatory competition does not seem to play a role.
This chapter gives an overview of the research design of the project, of the variables under investigation and of the data. Given the central research question underlying this project, convergence of national environmental policies is conceived as the dependent variable. Convergence is observed for twenty‐four countries over a period of thirty years. Policy convergence is measured as increasing policy similarity over time. Policy similarity is investigated with respect to three dimensions of policy: presence‐of‐policy, policy instruments and policy settings. In section 4.2, we specify the operationalisation of and data collection for the dependent variable.
As outlined in chapter 3, the explanatory focus of the project is on three factors as the main independent variables that are expected to account for differences in environmental policy convergence: (1) the degree of interlinkage of countries in international institutions with obligatory potential, (2) the degree of interlinkage of countries in international institutions with communicative potential, and (3) the degree of economic interlinkage, i.e., the extent to which a country is connected with other countries by its trade relations. Moreover, we include further explanatory variables (referred to as ‘other variables’ in chapter 3).
This book is the result of a collaborative European research project. After first ideas to organise a joint project on the convergence of environmental policies had been put forward at a ‘tapas’ bar in Barcelona in autumn 2000, seven political scientists at five universities participated in the common endeavour: Christoph Knill (University of Jena, and later on, Konstanz, coordination), Katharina Holzinger (Max Planck Institute for Research on Collective Goods Bonn, and later on, University of Konstanz), Martin Jänicke and Helge Jörgens (Free University Berlin), Bas Arts (University of Wageningen) and Duncan Liefferink (University of Nijmegen) and Andrea Lenschow (University of Salzburg and later on, Osnabrück). In a series of very inspiring, enjoyable and sometimes exciting meetings – one of them took place on 11 September 2001 – this group developed a joint research design and a proposal under the Fifth Framework Programme of the European Commission.
Under this programme, our research was supported by the RTD programme ‘Improving the human research potential and the socio‐economic knowledge base’, contract no. HPSE‐CT‐2002‐00103. Funds were provided from January 2003 to June 2006. This way the initial group could be complemented by a full dozen senior and junior researchers: Stephan Heichel, Jessica Pape, Maren Riepe, Jale Tosun and Natascha Warta in Konstanz, Thomas Sommerer and Tobias Meier in Hamburg, Per‐Olof Busch in Berlin, Johan Albrecht, Jelmer Kamstra, Jeroen Ooijevaar and Sietske Veenman in Nijmegen, and Dieter Pesendorfer in Salzburg.
The central objective of this chapter is to assess the influence of three international mechanisms on the convergence of environmental policies in Europe, namely international harmonisation, transnational communication and regulatory competition. In so doing, we apply a novel concept – the pair approach – for measuring and explaining convergence.
In this chapter, three central research questions underlying this study are addressed. First, on the basis of the pair approach, we provide further insights into the extent of cross‐national policy convergence, which complement the aggregate analysis in chapter 5. Second, and this is the primary concern of this chapter, we investigate the specific impact of economic and institutional interlinkages between nation states on policy convergence. Third, and related to this point, we are interested in the explanatory relevance of possible alternative explanations (in particular domestic factors) that were introduced in the theoretical part of this book (chapter 3). In answering these questions, we merely concentrate on potential changes in the similarity of individual environmental policies and of policy repertoires of countries over time. The direction of convergence, i.e., movements to the top or to the bottom of regulation, is not the subject of the analysis in this chapter, but will be analysed in chapter 7.
Our analysis is based on the following steps. We first introduce the concept of the pair approach (section 6.2).