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A climate–glacier model was used to reconstruct Late-glacial climate conditions from two case-study glaciers at 18° and 22° S in the arid (sub)tropical western Andes of northern Chile. The model uses (i) the geometry of the Late-glacial maximum glaciation, (ii) modern diurnal and annual cycles, amplitudes and lapse rates of the climate, (iii) empirical–statistical sublimation, melt and accumulation models developed for this area, and (iv) dynamic ice flow through two known cross-sections for steady-state conditions. The model is validated with modern conditions and compares favorably with the glaciological features of today. The mass-balance model calculates the modern equilibrium-line altitude at 18° S as high as 5850 m (field data 5800 m), whereas no glaciers exist in the fully arid southern area at 22° S despite altitudes above 6000 m and continuous permafrost. For Late-glacial times, the model results suggest a substantial increase in tropical summer precipitation (ΔP = +840 (− 50/+ 10) mm a−1 for the northern test area; +1000 (− 10/+ 30) mm a−1 for the southern test area) and a moderate temperature depression (ΔT = −4.4 (− 0.1/+ 0.2) °C at 18° S; −3.2 (±0.1) °C at 22° S). Extratropical frontal winter precipitation (June–September) was <15% of the total annual precipitation. A scenario with higher winter precipitation from the westerlies circulation belt does not yield a numerical solution which matches the observed geometry of the glaciers. Therefore, we conclude that an equatorward displacement of the westerlies must be discarded as a possible explanation for the late Pleistocene glaciation in the Andes of northern Chile.
Sediments deposited from the Permian–Triassic boundary (~252 Ma) until the end-Smithian (Early Triassic; c. 250.7 Ma) in the Sonoma Foreland Basin show marked thickness variations between its southern (up to c. 250 m thick) and northern (up to c. 550 m thick) parts. This basin formed as a flexural response to the emplacement of the Golconda Allochthon during the Sonoma orogeny. Using a high-resolution backstripping approach, a numerical model and sediment thickness to obtain a quantitative subsidence analysis, we discuss the controlling factor(s) responsible for spatial variations in thickness. We show that sedimentary overload is not sufficient to explain the significant discrepancy observed in the sedimentary record of the basin. We argue that the inherited rheological properties of the basement terranes and spatial heterogeneity of the allochthon are of paramount importance in controlling the subsidence and thickness spatial distribution across the Sonoma Foreland Basin.
We define and analyze a coalescent process as a recursive box-filling process whose genealogy is given by an ancestral time-reversed, time-inhomogeneous Bienyamé‒Galton‒Watson process. Special interest is on the expected size of a typical box and its probability of being empty. Special cases leading to exact asymptotic computations are investigated when the coalescing mechanisms are either linear fractional or quadratic.
Conventional radiocarbon dates for sediment samples from aquatic systems and of coeval terrestrial samples deviate from each other due to the reservoir effect. The reservoir correction is usually assumed to be constant with time for a specific aquatic system. Our studies confirm that seasonal and secular changes are frequent and are governed by the limnological conditions. Lakes have two principal sources of 14C: atmospheric CO2 and the total dissolved inorganic carbon (TDIC) of the entering groundwater and runoff. The former has values of ca. 100 pMC; the latter usually has a 14C value well below 100 pMC. Atmospheric CO2 enters the lake by exchange via its surface. The proportions of these two kinds of input determine the magnitude of the reservoir correction in freshwater lakes. It is mainly a function of the volume/surface ratio of the lake and, consequently a function of the water depth. The surface of lakes with outflow does not change when sedimentation decreases the depth of the water. The depth of Schleinsee Lake in southern Germany has decreased from 30 to 15 m since ca. 9000 bp. As a result, the reservoir correction has decreased from ca. -1550 to -580 yr. In contrast, the depth of Lake Proscansko in Croatia increased with growth of the travertine dam and the reservoir correction changed from ca. -1790 to -2650 yr during the last 8800 yr. The largest fluctuations of lake levels occur in closed lakes in arid regions when the climate changes from humid to arid and vice versa. As a result, the reservoir correction of the 14C dates for the total organic fraction from Lejía Lake in the Atacama Desert of Chile varied between <-1800 yr and -4700 yr over a period of only 1800 yr between 11,500 and 9700 bp. The corresponding reservoir correction for the marl fraction is much higher. In summary, accurate and reliable 14C dating of lake sediments requires a study of the temporal changes of the reservoir effect by analysis of both the organic and marl fractions. The most reliable 14C dates are obtained from terrestrial plant remains.
The general allometric equations for the logarithmic helicospiral can fit many extraconical shapes, but the isometric conditions traditionally used limit study only to conical growth. We present evidence to show that in real gastropod shells, the logarithmic helicospiral equations fit the suture. Poor location of the coiling axis and / or an inappropriate pole for the logarithmic helicospiral has often led to the rejection of this model. The differences between the errors associated with measurement or previously available models are discussed. Two methods, based on suture trace measurements, are proposed to locate the coiling axis both in apical and lateral views. The first is a graphical method based on an elementary property of the logarithmic spiral. The second is a computational method based on iterative reprojections of the suture. It is shown that the protoconch and the teleoconch must be treated separately. The precision of the new methods (especially the computing method) enables deviations from logarithmic helicospiral trajectory to be identified and differentiated from irregularities of the shell and sequential growth phases. Application of these methods may be useful not only for other gastropod morphological features, but also for other taxa such as brachiopods and other mollusks.
Field Marshal Alexander Leslie and the majority of his fellow Scottish generals who served in the Thirty Years' War (1618–48) rose from predominantly humble social origins to make an impact on not only the campaigns of the continental conflicts in which they fought but also those that swept across the British Isles in the 1630s and 1640s. These men did so despite living in a contemporary culture dominated by the activities of Scotland's noble elite – a culture very often reimagined by a historiography solely concerned with the activities of the upper echelons of society. Through the study of Leslie and his contemporaries, however, a narrative emerges that demonstrates that the practice of military service, while helping to maintain the dominance of certain noble families within Scotland, also offered an effective vehicle towards social advancement for the soldiering class, both at home and abroad. This book does not suggest an alternative to the social structuring of society in early modern Scotland, but it does offer what has been lacking in previous biographies of Leslie and his contemporaries: an understanding of where and how they developed their military skills, and why they might have needed to immerse themselves in the art of war in the first place.
Tracing the origins of Alexander Leslie is not straightforward. His biographer, C. S. Terry, presents scant information on Leslie's roots or early years and lacks definite information on Alexander Leslie's parentage and place of birth.
In writing this book we have encountered numerous language variants for place and personal names. We have tried to keep these to the most appropriate language version, with alternatives given where these vary dramatically from the version given in the original source. In terms of Scottish surnames, we have standardized names to single versions to avoid confusion, especially where numerous alternatives exist, such as Colonel Patrick More, who is variously also recorded as Mòr, Moor, Muir or Mohr. Variant forms of Scottish first names, for example Hans, Johan and John, have also been standardized. More complicated, perhaps, is the rendering of the names of the many ethnic Scots in the book as these are often recorded completely differently among various communities. For example, the Finnish-born Major General Arvid Forbes was called by his fellow Scots ‘Alexander Finnese Forbes’; Major General Jacob Duwall went by the name James Macdougall in Scottish company; while Colonel Johan Skytte naturalized as a Scot under the name Sir John Skite. Where such alternatives are present, we have indicated them in the text.
Throughout this book a variety of monetary denominations have been used. The two most common are pounds and riksdaler. After 1603 the value of the Scottish and English currencies were fixed so that twelve Scots pounds equalled one English one. Where it is known, we have identified which currency is meant.
(Alexander Leslie) hath evidentlie manifested his grave wisdome, vigilancie and indefatigable panes, constant fidelitie, gallant conduct and everie gift desireable in ane great leader of armies to the kingdomes great satisfaction and his awne perpetuall honor
New decisions and challenges faced Alexander Leslie, now first Earl of Leven, brought on by the outbreak of the Irish Rebellion in 1641. His hopes of taking an army of 10,000 men to Germany in support of Elizabeth of Bohemia were dashed when that force was instead sent to Ireland. Their stated objective was to protect their Protestant brethren from the immediate threat posed by the Confederate Irish, who were believed to have massacred over 100,000 of their number. The first expeditionary troops under Major General Robert Monro arrived in April 1642; a second cohort of soldiers, composed largely of Campbells, was organized within months. By August the total force stood at just over 11,000, with Leven at its head. However, after a relatively brief sojourn in Ireland, Leslie returned to Scotland to serve on the various committees negotiating an ever closer alliance with the English Parliament, the body from which any British power in Ireland notionally derived. In the meantime, command of the Covenanter forces was again devolved to Monro. At the same juncture, and to complicate matters further, the English Parliament raised its own series of grievances against Charles I.
The principal Scottish generals discussed in this book – Alexander Leslie, Patrick Ruthven and James King – were born in the early reign of James VI and had direct or closely associated contact with violence at a familial or national level in their youth. It is arguable that the violence inherent in Scottish society in the later sixteenth century in some way fuelled their decision to enter military service. As discussed in Chapter 2, this choice eventually required them to move abroad in an effort to escape the violence or regain prestige for their family or even simply to earn a living. The Scottish proclivity for warlike behaviour has long dominated accounts of the nation's history. It is particularly evident in the stereotypical image of the early modern Scottish soldier – an image itself often drawn from, and conflating, a prejudicial view of Scottish ‘incivility’ and seasonal mercenary service in Ireland undertaken by men levied in the Highlands. Modern scholarship has done much to challenge and address our perceptions of the Scots, and Scottish Gael in particular, in this context. Scottish mercenaries certainly could be found in the period but, as discussed below, these did not represent the full extent of Scottish military power at home, nor did they even represent the main vehicle for Scottish military intervention abroad.
I recaved your letter, whereby I perceive you were pleased to make mention of me to the Queen's Majestie for the which I returne you many thanks; And as to the Leveying of Soldiers for the Service of that Croun, you may be Confident that I would use my outmost endeavours in that or any thing els which may be acceptable to her Majesty.
It is sometimes argued that 1639 marked the end of any meaningful Scottish contribution to the Thirty Years' War as this year saw the departure of so many veterans from European armies to participate in the British Civil Wars. However, there was never a moment in the ‘German wars’ that did not see active Scottish regiments and commanders still based on the Continent. The most visible of these were the regiments of the Scots-Dutch Brigade and those in the French army, largely because they were flagged as Scottish units. Detecting the Scottish presence within the Swedish army is more problematic, given the steady integration of Scots throughout Swedish and German regiments. As noted in Chapter 5, a condition of the release of Alexander Leslie and his cohort in the 1638–40 period was that many Scottish officers were required to stay in Swedish service. Nevertheless, the sudden removal of so many of their comrades necessitated a reorganization of those remaining behind, in addition to finding replacements for those who had left.
Ich [Axel Oxenstierna] hab auch den herrn general majeur Alexander Leslie zum veldtmareschall declarirt undt ihm miteiner guten ahnzahl dapfern alten fuessvolcks naher Westphalen verordtnet
As discussed in the previous chapter, in the aftermath of the battle of Nödlingen (1634) and the Treaty of Prague (1635) it appeared to most European powers that the forces of the Holy Roman Empire had delivered a decisive blow against the Swedes and their allies. Ferdinand believed that he had finally gained the upper hand against the various powers opposed to Habsburg hegemony. The Prague settlement led to the mass departure of former Swedish allies, most notably Elector Johan Georg of Saxony but soon followed by Duke Georg of Braunschweig-Lüneburg, resulting in the removal of at least six generals and several prominent colonels from pro-Swedish forces. Colonel William Vavasour, an English veteran, stated emphatically that Lüneburg's defection left him stranded in enemy territory and in great danger. Wounded, he was forced to retire to London and leave his remaining 300 men with colleagues; the English soldiers of his company were sent to the Scottish Colonel James Lumsden in Osnabrück, while the Germans were sent to Vavasour's countryman, Colonel Arthur Aston, in Nienburg. Other allies vacillated. When Landgrave Wilhelm of Hessen-Kassel provisionally accepted the treaty in November, Axel Oxenstierna was prompted to order Lieutenant General Peter Melander to prevent any demobilizing Hessen troops from joining the Imperialists.
The invincible King of Sweden, who provided [Stralsund] an able Governour in their greatest neede, to wit, Sr Alexander Lesly, who immediately after his entry tooke the command upon him, keeping both the Dane, their Souldiers, and the Burgars under his command
Christian IV of Denmark-Norway found himself in a disastrous military predicament by the spring of 1628. He had rashly decided to attack the empire without either fully consulting his allies or completing any kind of negotiation with his Swedish neighbour for mutual support. A confluence of circumstances altered this situation. At the time there was a prevailing belief that Stralsund's neutrality would not be respected by the Habsburgs. This resulted in frenetic Danish endeavours to bolster the Stralsund garrison, one of the last remaining allies they had. After all, the neighbouring duchy of Pomerania had yielded to the forces of the Holy Roman Empire after Albrecht von Wallenstein ordered the occupation of all ports and towns in October 1627. This forced Duke Bogislaw XIV to sign the Capitulation of Franzburg on 10 November. Wallenstein thereafter sought to secure the southern coastline of the Baltic Sea for Ferdinand II and establish a naval base from which the Imperialists could undertake operations against Denmark. Indeed, from then on Wallenstein revelled in his self-proclaimed title of ‘General of the Oceans and the Baltic Sea’. Stralsund, however, ignored Bogislaw's order to adhere to the capitulation and instead turned first to Denmark and then to Sweden for support.
Alexander Leslie [joined Gustav II Adolf's army] possessed of nothing but his sword, his bastardy – and his genius
As the last chapter demonstrated, late sixteenth-century Scotland was rich in manpower but lacked a standing army. Nevertheless, it was a nation with a history stretching back to the Middle Ages of raising expeditionary forces for the benefit of allies. A systematic survey of the more important of these expeditions dating to Alexander Leslie's formative years illustrates clearly the way in which he and his fellow generals of the Thirty Years' War honed their military skills and were able to perfect them to a point where they became the teachers rather than the taught in the ‘art of war’. Of special interest to this study are James VI's and his government's authorizations to raise regiments to be sent to the aid of France, the Dutch Republic and England. The latter example was actually composed of troops sent to Ireland and merely continued an existing tradition of Highland expeditionary forces across the Irish Sea. The participants were known by a range of names, including galloglass (gallóglaigh), catteran (ceithearn) and redshanks. One such levy is of particular relevance for a number of reasons, not least as it shows the continuing potency of the western seaboard as a recruiting ground for Scottish armies on the cusp of the seventeenth century.