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Bureaucratic discretion and executive delegation are central topics in political economy and political science. The previous empirical literature has measured discretion and delegation by manually coding large bodies of legislation. Drawing from computational linguistics, we provide an automated procedure for measuring discretion and delegation in legal texts to facilitate large-scale empirical analysis. The method uses information in syntactic parse trees to identify legally relevant provisions, as well as agents and delegated actions. We undertake two applications. First, we produce a measure of bureaucratic discretion by looking at the level of legislative detail for US states and find that this measure increases after reforms giving agencies more independence. This effect is consistent with an agency cost model, where a more independent bureaucracy requires more specific instructions (less discretion) to avoid bureaucratic drift. Second, we construct measures of delegation to governors in state legislation. Consistent with previous estimates using non-text metrics, we find that executive delegation increases under unified government.
Background: Over 35,000 Canadians lose their lives to cardiac arrest each year. CPR and automated external defibrillator (AED) use are modifiable factors. Survival rates drop by 7-10% each minute that defibrillation is delayed, and survival rates are less than 5% after 12 minutes of ventricular fibrillation which stresses the need for bystander AED use in out-of-hospital arrests. Niagara Region lacks a publicly accessible registry of AEDs. AED access is a major focus in King County, Washington which has higher survival rates and has all AEDs registered with Emergency Medical Services. Aim Statement: This project aims to log 100 or more AEDs within a year into a publicly accessible registry and to connect the registry information to medical trainees in the Niagara region and all employees of the Niagara Health System involved in patient care. Measures & Design: PulsePoint is an application used to register AEDs within the Niagara region. PulsePoint allows users to geotag AEDs while tracking data entries. Over 16 weeks, 4 PDSA cycles tested the effectiveness of logging methods for AEDs including opportunistic logging, daily emailed reminders, and contacting organizations with high likelihood of having an AED. Information about the project and registry was shared with residents and medical students in Niagara. A second phase of cycles involves relaying information to Niagara Health system employees and the medical community. A final cycle will target a broader group of local organizations with intermediate probability of having AEDs. Primary outcome measures include the numbers of regional AEDs logged and members reached by knowledge sharing cycles. Evaluation/Results: PulsePoint was found to be an effective, free, publicly accessible resource to log AEDs within the Niagara region. The initial round of 4 PDSA cycles added a total of 56 new AEDs within the region, which were logged into PulsePoint app and the Excel spreadsheet. Through the fourth PDSA cycle, 136 businesses were contacted and made aware of the project and the AED application. In addition,138 health-related colleagues and medical students were contacted to raise awareness. PDSA cycles five through eight are currently ongoing or in the planning stages. Discussion/Impact: Raising awareness among emergency services and sharing information about the registry to local CPR training providers will be paramount. Creating awareness of PulsePoint and installing AEDs in locations that currently lack such devices could ultimately improve cardiac arrest survival rates within Niagara Region.
On 30 September 2017, an Air France Airbus A380-800 suffered a failure of its fourth engine while over Greenland. This failure resulted in the loss of the engine fan hub, fan blades and surrounding structure. An initial search recovered 30 pieces of light debris, but the primary part of interest, a ~220 kg titanium fan hub, was not recovered because it had a different fall trajectory than the light debris, impacted into the ice-sheet's snow surface, and was quickly covered by drifting snow. Here we describe the methods used for the detection of the fan hub and details of the field campaigns. The search area included two crevasse fields of at least 50 snow-covered crevasses 1 to ~30 m wide with similar snow bridge thicknesses. After 21 months and six campaigns, using airborne synthetic aperture radar, ground-penetrating radar, transient electromagnetics and an autonomous vehicle to survey the crevasse fields, the fan hub was found within ~1 m of a crevasse at a depth of ~3.3 to 4 m and was excavated with shovels, chain saws, an electric winch, sleds and a gasoline heater, by workers using fall-arrest systems.
This report documents the last pteraspids, (armored, jawless members of the Heterostraci), which are otherwise only known from the Early Devonian of the Old Red Sandstone Continent. Tuberculate pteraspid heterostracans are described from the Middle Devonian beds of two formations in western North America. The late Givetian Yahatinda Formation of Alberta and British Columbia consists of channels cut into lower Paleozoic rocks and represents deposition in marine to littoral environments. Clavulaspis finis (Elliott et al., 2000a) new combination is redescribed from additional material from the Yahatinda Formation and reassigned to the new genus Clavulaspis because the original genus name is invalid. The Eifelian Spring Mountain beds of Idaho consist of a large channel that represents a clastic-dominated estuarine environment. It contains Scutellaspis wilsoni new genus new species, and the previously described species from the Spring Mountain beds is redescribed and reassigned to Ecphymaspis new genus, which was prompted by new material and a review of the validity of the original genus name. Phylogenetic analysis shows that these three new taxa form part of the derived clade Protaspididae.
In a patriarchal culture where female influence often seems thin on the ground, the essays in Part VI offer a refreshing perspective on the contributions of the elusive laywoman. Maureen Miller (in Chapter 19) focuses on the eleventh century, examining elite women's roles as patrons of monastic foundations in Italy. Rachel Koopmans’ study (Chapter 20) provides an interesting contrast through its orientation around the prominent role that non-elite women played in English miracles stories from the mid-twelfth to mid-thirteenth century. And Barbara Newman's essay (Chapter 21) examines the impact of the spirituality of the laywoman – the Beguine, Mechthild of Magdeburg – on the cloistered nuns of Helfta. If the introduction of the category of gender into academic discourse has sometimes led to consternation and self-doubting among historians, these three chapters reassure us that the traditional category of “women” is still an effective tool for historical analysis. They also provide new opportunities for assessing how the analysis of women engages many familiar historical tropes, while at the same time revealing some telling changes over time.
Maureen Miller's study “follows the money,” pointing to the number of elite women who responded to clerical requests for financial support of reformed monastic communities. Appeals to elite women have always been a reliable index for discerning contemporary concerns. For the Venerable Bede, it was the conversion of the husband that was at stake; for the eleventh-century clergy, it was reform. And yet, despite this venerable coalition between elite women and the clergy, I am nevertheless struck by the altered terms of engagement. For example, Bede recounts that when Pope Boniface attempted to hasten Queen Ethelberga's progress in the conversion of the husband, he offered a silver mirror and an ivory comb inlaid with gold. In Miller's analysis, however, the gifts seem to be moving in a different direction. It is the English queen, Matilda, being solicited to provide priestly garments for Bishop Ivo of Chartres who, as inducement, promises to remember Matilda as he says Mass.
In 1696, Madame d’Aulnoy published her first collection of “contes de fees,” which introduced the term “fairy tales” into the salons of Louis XIV. In 2012, I introduced that same theme in a course entitled French Fairy Tales/Les Contes de fées français. This upper division undergraduate course explored French lan- guage and literature through the study of French fairy tales, their origins, and their interpretations over three centuries. Students read and interpreted pri- mary literary texts from Marie de France's 1180 title “Lais” to Marcel Aymé's 1920 title “Contes bleus,” then evaluated both their socio-political origins and their authorial perspectives. They examined period adaptations and, as the class progressed, also read and contrasted contemporary adaptations of those same tales as interpreted in alternative media formats. The syllabus noted that, during the course of the semester, students would have weekly reading assign- ments, write three 2-page papers (explications de texte) and one final paper of eight-to-ten pages, and would make four oral class presentations of ten-to-fif- teen minutes each. An important component of the final grade would be their participation in class discussion and activities.
Starting with a clear chronological and developmental progression in the early phase of the course allowed students to gain confidence in the material, which helped make it a success. In fact, the course was so popular with our students that it was added to the schedule again in 2015. That group took adaptation in a decidedly different direction, revealing the flexibility possible in such a course. My chapter explores the highlights of those experiences and the pedagogies that informed them, teaching Early Modern thought to undergraduates by emphasizing three learning objectives:
1. Literary acquisition: reading, understanding, and analysis of Early Modern fairy tales that included their origins, traditions, and structural components;
2. Cultural insight: the introduction of the salon through role-playing to embody a historical milieu where intellectuals—and particularly women—could gather for the exchange of scholarly ideas, literary criticism, and social support for each other;
3. Informed adaptation: final projects that included French-language representations of traditional tales, recreated into modern relevance through multimedia representations.
This paper investigates the largely inaccessible ancient audiences of early Roman epic and historiography, using points of intersection in our evidence for Ennius’ Annals and Cato’s Origins to consider each work’s audience in relation to the other’s. My means of approach are two. First, I explore differences in how Cicero responds to each of those works, with glances across to his surviving responses to Fabius Pictor’s history of Rome, finding that Cicero frequently cites the Annals to illustrate the forging and articulation of Roman ethical identity at exemplary moments in the past, but neither he nor any other source cites Cato or Fabius for any such purpose. Second, I consider the distribution of collectives across the surviving fragments of both works. Terms for the Roman collective are relatively abundant in Ennius’ Annals, and that collective is featured in heroic action, but in the Origins the Roman collective is much less obtrusive than might have been expected in a work notorious for suppressing the names of more recent historical leaders. The two findings suggest that it was the Annals that had the broader appeal, the readier ability to speak to and for Romans across the board.
As uncertainty remains about whether clinical response influences cognitive function after electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) for depression, we examined the effect of remission status on cognitive function in depressed patients 4 months after a course of ECT.
A secondary analysis was undertaken on participants completing a randomised controlled trial of ketamine augmentation of ECT for depression who were categorised by remission status (MADRS ⩽10 v. >10) 4 months after ECT. Cognition was assessed with self-rated memory and neuropsychological tests of anterograde verbal and visual memory, autobiographical memory, verbal fluency and working memory. Patients were assessed through the study, healthy controls on a single occasion, and compared using analysis of variance.
At 4-month follow-up, remitted patients (N = 18) had a mean MADRS depression score of 3.8 (95% CI 2.2–5.4) compared with 27.2 (23.0–31.5) in non-remitted patients (N = 19), with no significant baseline differences between the two groups. Patients were impaired on all cognitive measures at baseline. There was no deterioration, with some measures improving, 4-months after ECT, at which time remitted patients had significantly improved self-rated memory, anterograde verbal memory and category verbal fluency compared with those remaining depressed. Self-rated memory correlated with category fluency and autobiographical memory at follow-up.
We found no evidence of persistent impairment of cognition after ECT. Achieving remission improved subjective memory and verbal memory recall, but other aspects of cognitive function were not influenced by remission status. Self-rated memory may be useful to monitor the effects of ECT on longer-term memory.
The Roman monetary system was historically unique. Its complexity arose out of several intersecting and sometimes contradictory embedding contexts. This chapter identifies several important embedding contexts and provides a broad diachronic outline of their influence in the development of Roman money. Some of Rome’s Republican-era experiments with coinage, for example, were inescapably influenced by Greek practices and concepts. Roman territorial expansion seems to have been correlated with the rise of impersonal exchange in Rome, Italy and beyond – presenting unique cultural challenges for Roman elites in the Republican period. Notions of monetary value in the Roman Principate remained tethered to historical monetary contexts – but shifts in value and in the prominence of certain contexts over others could and did happen. Oscillations in the intensity and breadth of state power, for example, influenced money use, value and the scope for market exchange. It is impossible to import modern economic theory into Roman monetary history without first accounting for some of the key embedding contexts which shaped monetary practices, processes and concepts in the Roman world.
All historical applications of formal economic models require justification – not merely within their own closed system of logic, but in a wider historiographical context which includes serious and thoughtful substantivist critiques of the formalist enterprise more generally and especially of applied economic theory. Even if new institutional economics is not the solution, are there other ways Roman economic historians might use economic theories to better understand the economic choices made by the inhabitants of the ancient world as well as the embedding contexts which channeled such choices? History and economics, despite fundamental differences embedded in each discipline, can meaningfully and symbiotically intersect. Economics offers Roman historians valuable and helpful organizing concepts, so long as these concepts are used within an agenda of historical understanding.
Roman monetary history, like all history, is history of mind. Purposeful action, as a product of the human mind, creates history. Economic models, methods and agendas, therefore, which ignore or assume away the mind are of only limited use for historians. Historians, however, can use the tools and concepts in this book to clarify and redeem some economic theories and concepts in order to better understand the societies they study.
Roman historians are typically trained under the aegis of Classics or Classical Studies; hence, they find comfort in the world of sources – a preference manifest in a broadly empiricist outlook and an affinity for methods of induction. There are, as this chapter argues, good reasons to question the reliability of traditional empirical approaches to historical questions. Equally, however, the deductive use of formal economic theory has its own drawbacks. Emergent neoclassical and new institutional studies have produced new questions and new insights, but Roman historians’ use of economic theory has also promulgated new anachronisms and perhaps even ‘economics imperialism’. Is Roman economic history doomed to be forever caught in methodological tug-of-wars over the use of economic theory? This chapter suggests that a way forward may be found in the sociological tradition of methodological dualism – a framework which unequivocally draws upon economic theory as a tool of ‘understanding’ rather than of testing or predicting. Methodological dualism is a foundational framework for rethinking the use of economic theory for understanding Roman monetary history.
Some Roman economic historians are skeptical of an economic rationality which explicitly imposes capitalism-centric value judgements on antiquity. Should Roman historians study rationality as a phenomenon exclusively ‘locked’ inside the minds of individuals, or is it possible to study rationality as something at least influenced or even determined by collectivized social and cultural structures (or embedding contexts)? In this chapter, I argue that Collingwood’s observation that observers and subjects share the same cognitive process opens up new opportunities for understanding the thinking of ancient peoples. First, I define this cognitive process, after Weber and especially Mises, as ‘purposefulness’ and defend its a priori epistemological status. Then, using Weber’s insights on ideal types, I discuss how embedding contexts bounded purposefulness. Finally, I combine these arguments into an experimental heuristic model for understanding the purposeful actions of historical individuals by comparing these choices to both ideal-typical economic theory and unchosen counterfactual actions.
Gresham’s law is much more than the idea that ‘bad money drives out good’ always and everywhere. Instead, historians should use Gresham’s law as a complex and interconnected set of conditions and premises involving ‘external’ elements (legal tender laws, differing coinage standards, transaction costs etc.) and an ‘internal’ sensitivity among (some!) coin-users to the precious metal content of coins.The ‘external’ conditions of Gresham’s law seem to have been inconsistently present at best. Legal coin values and precious metal values were more or less redundant during first century and a half of the Principate. A growing dissonance between legal value and metal value, however, emerged by the late second century AD, putting pressure on coin-users’ monetary habits. The actions of Roman authorities encouraged any metallist-minded coin-users to avoid the now relative high costs of monetary exchange at legal values and instead adopt special-purpose uses for money. The counterfactual logic of Gresham’s law, therefore, offers historians both improved understanding of Roman coin-users’ thinking as well as broader insights into the workings of the Roman monetary economy.