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Until the middle of the nineteenth century, quarantine laws in all Western European nations mandated the detention of every inbound trader, traveller, soldier, sailor, merchant, missionary, letter, and trade good arriving from the Ottoman Empire and North Africa. Most of these quarantines occurred in large, ominous fortresses in Mediterranean port cities. Alex Chase-Levenson examines Britain's engagement with this Mediterranean border regime from multiple angles. He explores how quarantine practice laid the foundations for the state provision of public health and constituted an early example of European integration. Situated at the intersection of political, cultural, diplomatic, and medical history, The Yellow Flag captures the texture of quarantine as an experience, its power as an administrative precedent, and its novelty as an example of a continental border built from the ground up by low-level bureaucrats.
This study investigates the sequentially occasioned provision of what I term category accounts in interaction. Category accounts tap into and make use of normative assumptions about identities and membership categories in order to explain away moments of what the participants view as category deviance. To introduce this concept, I focus on sequences in which speakers’ initiations of repair (e.g. Huh?) are oriented to as indicative of a problem of understanding. In the cases examined here, recipients of such initiations of repair treat divergence from some gender/sexuality norm as the source of the misunderstanding, which is revealed through their attempt to resolve the trouble by providing a category account, thereby closing the repair sequence and providing for the resumption of progressivity. These and similar accounting sequences are thus a means through which participants collaboratively normalize momentary departures from normativity, while at the same time reconstituting what exactly constitutes ‘normativity’ and ‘departures therefrom’, and for whom. (Gender, sexuality, identity, membership categorization, Conversation Analysis, Ethnomethodology, repair, social interaction, normativity, deviance)*
Chartism was in effect Britain’s civil rights movement and petitioning was at its heart: it defined who the Chartists were as well as the “other” against which they were implacably opposed. Its history has been effectively narrated around its three national petitions (1839, 1842, and 1848), and its decline almost habitually and directly linked to circumstances surrounding the last of these. More than 3.3 million people signed the 1842 National Petition. Chartism’s history after 1842 is partly one of how the State learned to manage the movement in general and petitioning in particular. The question posed by the title is deliberately ambiguous: What did the Chartists petition for and, equally, why did they bother? The first issue will be answered by a close reading of the three texts (surprisingly not undertaken by previous historians of the movement). The second will answered through an analysis of the wider uses of petitioning. The third issue addressed by this article is how petitioning constructed Chartism. In every contributing locality, canvassing was a major intervention in political life. The subscriptional community created by its petitions were “the people,” a term that clearly included not only men but also women and children. This was a different and wider meaning of the term “the people” from that used by Chartism’s opponents and it was a profound departure. Petitioning shaped, articulated, and mobilized the politics of a nascent working class, “banded together in one solemn and holy league” but excluded from economic and political power.
This paper aims to recover the history of the Congress of Latin American Women held in Santiago de Chile in November 1959, using it as a snapshot to illuminate the various political currents within the Cuban delegation. At a time of rapid polarization and shifting alliances, the ideal of transnational, Latin American solidarity appealed to women activists from both Cuba’s “Old,” Marxist Left and the “New,” insurgent Left, despite their many differences. This common ground helped establish elements of cooperation between some women of the 26th of July Movement and women affiliated with the pre-revolutionary Communist Party. Although the well-known Federation of Cuban Women was established as a result of the alliances developed through participation in the Congress, these transnational, “Latin Americanist” origins of the FMC have largely been forgotten.
This essay analyzes inequality and the construction of childhood in the early US juvenile justice system. Although the juvenile justice movement’s best intentions focused on protecting children from neglect and the criminal justice system, historians have argued that protective juvenile justice was unequal and ephemeral. I critically summarize three histories of juvenile justice: Anthony Platt’s The Child Savers: The Invention of Delinquency (1969), Geoff Ward’s The Black Child-Savers: Racial Democracy and Juvenile Justice (2012), and Tera Agyepong’s The Criminalization of Black Children: Race, Gender, and Delinquency in Chicago’s Juvenile Justice System, 1899–1945 (2018). I argue that the common thread in these studies is the construction of poor and black youth as unchildlike. Because the juvenile court arose in a context where not all youth were considered children, it never treated all youth as innocent or in need of protection.
We live in an age where conspiracy has virtually usurped the political mainstream. “Conspiracy is our theme,” exclaims a character in Don DeLillo’s Running Dog (1989), “Connections, links, secret associations.” In “In His Volleys, Trump Echoes A Provocateur,” Jim Rutenberg tells us of the radio host Alex Jones, in Austin, Texas, who not only believes that 9/11 was an inside job but “that the Sandy Hook school shooting was ‘completely fake’ and that the phony Clinton child-sex trafficking scandal known as Pizzagate warranted serious investigation (which one Facebook fan took upon himself to do, armed with an AR-15).” Jones told Rutenberg that his “audience … is ‘the teeth of the Trump organization on the ground – the information-warfare, organic internal resistance’.”
Swede midge (Contarinia nasturtii (Kieffer); Diptera: Cecidomyiidae) is a serious invasive pest of Brassica Linnaeus (Brassicaceae) oilseed and vegetable crops in Canada and the United States of America. Pheromone mating disruption is a promising new tactic for managing this difficult pest, but research is needed to determine how pheromone delivery can be optimised. With an understanding of swede midge diel mating patterns, pest managers could limit pheromone release to periods when midges are sexually active. We conducted a series of 24-hour trials to test whether swede midge exhibit diel periodicity of emergence, female calling, and male capture in pheromone traps. We found that females began releasing pheromones almost immediately following emergence within the first five hours after dawn. In the field, we found that males were most active from dawn until late morning, indicating that midges mate primarily during the first five hours of photophase. Low levels of reproductive activity during midday and nighttime hours present opportunities to turn off dispensers and reduce the cost of pheromone inputs in a swede midge mating disruption system.
Reductions in MSMA use for weed control in turfgrass systems may have led to increased common carpetgrass infestations. The objective of our research was to identify alternative POST herbicides for control of common carpetgrass using field and controlled-environment experiments. Field applications of MSMA (2.2 kg ai ha−1) and thiencarbazone + iodosulfuron + dicamba (TID) (0.171 kg ai ha−1) resulted in the greatest common carpetgrass control 8 wk after initial treatment (WAIT): 94% and 91%, respectively. Thiencarbazone + foramsulfuron + halosulfuron (TFH) (0.127 kg ai ha−1) applied in the field resulted in 77% control 8 WAIT, whereas all other treatments were ≤19% effective at 8 WAIT. All treatments resulted in greater common carpetgrass control when applied in the greenhouse. Applications of MSMA, TFH, and TID resulted in the highest common carpetgrass control in the greenhouse 8 WAIT: 94%, 94%, and 91%, respectively. Control with nicosulfuron (0.035 kg ai ha−1) and trifloxysulfuron (0.028 kg ai ha−1) (81% and 75%, respectively) was greater in the greenhouse than observed in the field 8 WAIT. Sequential applications of foramsulfuron (0.058 kg ai ha−1) resulted in only ≤11% common carpetgrass control 8 WAIT, regardless of application site. All herbicide treatments in the greenhouse resulted in reduced aboveground common carpetgrass biomass 8 WAIT compared to the nontreated control (12.9 g). Aboveground biomasses of common carpetgrass in response to MSMA, TID, TFH, nicosulfuron, and trifloxysulfuron were 1.6 to 2.1 g, regardless of treatment. Reduced efficacy of foramsulfuron was reflected in greater biomass (4.7 g) in response to treatments. Thiencarbazone + iodosulfuron + dicamba may be an alternative to MSMA for common carpetgrass control; however, long-term assessment may be warranted to evaluate treatment effectiveness. Further investigation into application timing may be necessary to enhance the efficacy of TFH for the control of common carpetgrass.
Enska Vísan, literally “The English Verse,” is a little-known and never-published Icelandic poem from the end of the Middle Ages. Because of its affinity to the Middle English Sir Orfeo, it seems a good subject for this volume in honor of Mary Erler: Sir Orfeo is one of the many texts Mary and I have enjoyed teaching together over the years at Fordham, and I hope she will take pleasure in this analogue. The text of Enska Vísan has been transmitted through scribal networks and reading communities in Iceland, not unlike those in England that Mary's work has done so much to elucidate. Because Enska Vísan defies classification in the usual subgenres of late medieval Icelandic poetry – rímur (long narrative poems), fornkvæði (ballads), and trúarkvæði (devotional poems) – and because this body of literature traditionally has been published in genre-specific collections, the poem has never appeared in print. The rímur have long been subject to scholarly study, and the fornkvæði have come into their own with the critical edition by Jón Helgason and the masterful survey by Vésteinn Ólason, but the truarkvæði have received less attention. Enska Vísan shares characteristics with Icelandic (and English) metrical romances, ballads, and devotional poems, but there are also differences enough to prevent its being placed squarely in any one traditional genre. What follows is a presentation of the text of the poem along with a discussion of its context. I have found Enska Vísan transmitted in eleven manuscripts – there may well be more – from the seventeenth through the nineteenth centuries, and it is known to have existed in two others, now lost. The dating of the poem itself is uncertain.
Enska Vísan presents a narrative that shares elements with the Middle English Sir Orfeo. The story can be summarized as follows: an unnamed knight and his beloved have promised one another to join their lives in all ways and to share fully in all things. The knight wants to go to court, while his beloved must remain behind. The knight goes on his way, and Death comes quickly on the scene to seize his beloved and escort the unwilling lady to the otherworld.
Martin Chase, Professor of English and Medieval Studies at Fordham University.,
Maryanne Kowaleski, Joseph Fitzpatrick S.J. Distinguished Professor of History and Medieval Studies at Fordham University.
Mary Erler's scholarship has been at the forefront of what has been called a “remarkable efflorescence” or “second wave” in studies of the history of the book and the material text that began in the last decade of the twentieth century. Her vision has expanded the scope of questions that can be asked – and answered – and has helped to break down traditional boundaries between periods, genres, media, social classes, religious states, and genders. Her approach is focused and distinctive enough to constitute a method in itself, but it also engages a variety of other methods to analyze and assess the larger picture. Her interdisciplinary work has interacted with and contributed to book studies, literary studies (new philology, new historicism, feminism), social history, ecclesiastical history, and good old-fashioned intellectual history, among others. Erler's work realigns earlier ideas about periodization: much of it is situated in the unsettled times of late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century England, and so deals with early printed books as well as late manuscript codices. Her writings consider a broad range of groups, including Catholics (lay and religious), Lollards and Anglicans, men and women, aristocrats and bourgeoisie.
The material object, be it printed volume, manuscript, or legal document, is invariably the starting point of her enquiry, but the primary object of interest is always the human subject who produced, read, shared, inherited, bequeathed, or treasured it. The term Erler associates with her work – “bibliographical study” – may strike some as old-fashioned or even pedestrian, but in Erler's hands “bibliographical study” is cutting-edged, nuanced, and deeply revealing. “Bibliography” is tellingly the first word of her ground-breaking study, Women, Reading, and Piety in Late Medieval England (2002):
Bibliography has sometimes been moved by what might seem an especially pure form of the historical impulse: the wish to use physical objects, books, to reveal something about non-physical realities: about intellectual lives, about manners or habits in the past. Viewed in this way, books have continued to signal seductively their potential as guides and markers to another age's sensibility. In fact current fascination with book provenance has perhaps derived from the insight of the histoire du livre school that research into book ownership could offer a novel way in to social history, one which might make visible even the elusive matters of personal preference and personal taste, always particularly difficult to recover.