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This fully revised fifth edition provides comprehensive coverage of flexible multibody system dynamics. Including an entirely new chapter on the integration of geometry, durability analysis, and design, it offers clear explanations of spatial kinematics, rigid body dynamics, and flexible body dynamics, and uniquely covers the basic formulations used by the industry for analysis, design, and performance evaluation. Included are methods for formulating dynamic equations, the floating frame of reference formulation used in small deformation analysis, and the absolute nodal coordinate formulation used in large deformation analysis, as well as coverage of industry durability investigations. Illustrated with a wealth of examples and practical applications throughout, it is the ideal text for single-semester graduate courses on multibody dynamics taken in departments of aerospace and mechanical engineering, and for researchers and practicing engineers working on a wide variety of flexible multibody systems.
Medical recruitment and retention are national problems. Psychiatry has been more affected than many specialties, as a result of stigma from the public and other healthcare professionals. The Royal College of Psychiatrists has undertaken several initiatives to redress this, notably the ‘Choose Psychiatry’ campaign. In this editorial we argue that student-led university psychiatry societies are a wonderful but frequently untapped resource to help attract the brightest and best medical students to our profession. We describe the activities of three ‘Psych Socs’ across the UK and propose next steps to continue this work.
Especially since the publication of Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Verses in 1988 and the protests that followed, Islam and Muslims in Britain have been at the centre of public and political debate. The protracted conflict between Rushdie exercising his right to free speech and Muslims demanding respect for their faith helped forge a reductive opposition between creative freedom and religious repression which continues to shape constructions of Muslims today. This chapter explores how works by writers including Rushdie, Hanif Kureishi, Nadeem Aslam, Monica Ali, Mohsin Hamid, Leila Aboulela, Kamila Shamsie, and Sunjeev Sahota engage with the aftermath of the Satanic Verses controversy or respond to the 9/11 and 7/7 attacks in New York and London. Moving through themes including cross-cultural translation, belonging, place and terror, and underlining the importance of thinking about religion and race always in combination with gender and class, the chapter asks how far and in what ways this body of writing offers us a post-secular perspective – one that recognises the place of religiosity within the public sphere, and advocates a mutually respectful dialogue between secularism and faith.
The idea that rulers must seek consent before making policy is key to democracy. We suggest that this practice evolved independently in a large fraction of human societies where executives ruled jointly with councils. We argue that council governance was more likely to emerge when information asymmetries made it harder for rulers to extract revenue, and we illustrate this with a theoretical model. Giving the population a role in governance became one means of overcoming the information problem. We test this hypothesis by examining the correlation between localized variation in agricultural suitability and the presence of council governance in the Standard Cross Cultural Sample. As a further step, we suggest that executives facing substantial information asymmetries could also have an alternative route for resource extraction—develop a bureaucracy to measure variation in productivity. Further empirical results suggest that rule by bureaucracy could substitute for shared rule with a council.
Devolution presented an opportunity for the Welsh Government to introduce changes to housing and homelessness policy, and the subsequent homelessness reforms are seen as one of the best examples to date of the Welsh Government using its powers. However, devolved governments in small countries face a number of challenges in terms of realising their housing policy ambitions. In this article we argue that there is inevitable dissonance between the policy behind the Welsh Government legislation (prevention) and practice (implementation) associated with structural challenges (for example, austerity and budget restrictions, Welfare Reform and the availability of affordable accommodation). In response we propose a number of actions the Welsh Government might undertake to attempt to mitigate such structural challenges which also resonate in the English context where welfare retrenchment and homelessness prevention policies operate simultaneously.
Homelessness is largely understood as an urban issue and so rural homelessness is to a large extent invisible in both academic literature and in policy and practice discussions, just as it is often invisible in discourses of everyday rural life. This article draws on extensive interviews with homeless service users and providers in three rural authorities in Wales to give a clearer sense of the nature and challenges of rural homelessness. The article documents and explores the very different strategies employed by those facing homelessness in the rural context, as well as those of rural local authorities providing them preventative and person-centred support. Analysis of the struggle of many rural households to remain in place, often at the cost of homelessness and lowered ability to access services, will have resonance in a range of contexts and have implications for policy makers and practitioners in rural contexts beyond Wales.
The years 1975 and 1977 witnessed a wave of de facto military regimes in Bangladesh and Pakistan, respectively. In Pakistan, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq operationalized the country's preexisting Islamic identity from emblematic to substantive at both domestic and international levels. General Ziaur Rahman and General Ershad of Bangladesh revived the country's Islamic identity at the domestic and international levels and reopened the space for religious fractions that were banned from politics constitutionally in the previous regime. Focusing on military regimes in Bangladesh and Pakistan between 1975 and 1990, this paper aims to bridge that gap by specifically examining the use of Islam. This study argues that dictators in both countries used Islam to support their survival strategies of legitimacy, repression, and social control. Authoritarian rulers did not have to use Islam to maintain military coherence, because of the military's culture of subordination to superiors.
This chapter addresses key questions about the basis of cancer susceptibility in African people, as well as the uniqueness of the population genetics and genotype–phenotype relationship that resulted during social transition. Social transition encompasses the change of lifestyle from a rural subsistence one into an urban market-oriented, technology dependent, and predominantly sedentary mode of life, as well as changes that occur in the population genetics as a result of changes from ethnically defined structured populations into panmictic populations of an urban nature, as currently seen in megacities. Although humans passed through several periods of transition in history, the current one is the most profound.
This chapter has two objectives. First, I define and describe the spatial and temporal variation in international capital and authoritarian politics. The former comprises the book’s key independent variable, while the latter is the book’s main dependent variable. Second, I illustrate the existence of an association between international capital and political survival in autocracies in the raw data. Such an examination is useful as it illustrates the book’s central empirical prediction without having to “finesse” the data to establish a statistical relationship between international capital and authoritarian politics. These associations provide motivation for further theoretical and empirical inquiry. To be clear, I do not claim a causal relationship between international capital and authoritarian politics in this chapter. Causal evaluations are the focus of Chapters 4 to 6.
North Africa (NA) is defined as the northernmost geographical region of the African continent, linked by the Sahara from the south and separated from Europe by the Mediterranean Sea. It encompasses five countries from east to west: Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco; these are also known as Maghreb countries. From the political point of view, at the regional level, Mauritania is considered part of the Maghreb. The current population size is estimated to be around 75 million. A set of features affects markedly the prevalence and distribution of the genetic diseases in the region. The demographic features include high population growth rates, high birth rates, and high infant mortality rates. The family structure was as large as that of Arab families, with more than six children per woman until the middle of the twentieth century. Nowadays, North African (NAf) families show reduced rates of fertility that reach their lowest point at 1.06 children per decade in Tunisia (United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, 2010).
Throughout history a strong executive with limited constraints on his or her political authority has been a prerequisite for dictatorship. Of course, the ability of autocrats to enjoy these low constraints on their rule requires sufficient revenues to repress and buy loyalty via patronage.
This chapter presents cross-national evidence that remittances can finance authoritarian politics, by lowering the constraints dictators face and extending their time in power. Endogeneity, however, plagues efforts to test whether a causal relationship exists between remittance income and authoritarian politics. To overcome this empirical challenge, I leverage a quasi-natural experiment of oil price–driven remittance flows emanating from the Persian Gulf to non–oil-producing Muslim countries in North Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia.
For many dictators, their longevity and legitimacy depend on their ability to financially support regime supporters and deliver broad-based economic growth, for when this financial capital and growth disappears (or their prospects), so do most of the reasons for allies to remain loyal. For countries determined to industrialize, such as those in Latin America and East and Southeast Asia, attracting sufficient foreign capital has been instrumental in economic development and legitimizing the state’s authoritarian rule.
This chapter presents cross-national evidence that foreign direct investment (FDI), particularly in high fixed cost industries (e.g., oil exploration, petrochemicals), can create rents that an autocrat can use to fund the military. In doing so, these governments are able to retain the loyalty of a key domestic ally. Moreover, for many countries attracting foreign capital is part of a broader strategy of fostering economic growth.
Many regions of Africa, the continent where the sun is always shining, are gradually becoming overwhelmed by genetic disorders, especially where consanguineous marriages are strongly favored over many generations. In this chapter we navigate through the genetic and phenotypic features observed in some African populations, using hereditary spastic paraplegia (HSP) as a model of neurogenetic disorders. Published data and unpublished studies on HSP are starting to disclose criteria that distinguish these populations due to an interesting mixture of environmental factors, traditions, and certain characteristics of African genomes.