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The three counties of England's northern borderlands have long had a reputation as an exceptional and peripheral region within the medieval kingdom, preoccupied with local turbulence as a result of the proximity of a hostile frontier with Scotland. Yet, in the fifteenth century, open war was an infrequent occurrence in a region which is much better understood by historians of fourteenth-century Anglo-Scottish conflict, or of Tudor responses to the so-called 'border reivers'. This first book-length study of England's far north in the fifteenth century addresses conflict, kinship, lordship, law, justice, and governance in this dynamic region. It traces the norms and behaviours by which local society sought to manage conflict, arguing that common law and march law were only parts of a mixed framework which included aspects of 'feud' as it is understood in a wider European context. Addressing the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland and Westmorland together, Jackson W. Armstrong transcends an east-west division in the region's historiography and challenges the prevailing understanding of conflict in late medieval England, setting the region within a wider comparative framework.
Educating students for emotional wellbeing is a vital task in schools. However, educating emotions is not straightforward. Emotional processes can be challenging to identify and control. How emotions are valued varies across societies, while individuals within societies face different emotional expectations. For example, girls face pressure to be happy and caring, while boys are often encouraged to be brave. This text analyses the best practices of educating emotions. The focus is not just on the psychological benefits of emotional regulation, but also on how calls for educating emotions connect to the aims of society. The book explores psychology's understanding of emotions, 'the politics of emotions', and philosophy. It also discusses education for happiness, compassion, gratitude, resilience, mindfulness, courage, vulnerability, anger, sadness, and fear.
The Cambridge Companion to Shakespeare on Screen provides a lively guide to film and television productions adapted from Shakespeare's plays. Offering an essential resource for students of Shakespeare, the companion considers topics such as the early history of Shakespeare films, the development of 'live' broadcasts from theatre to cinema, the influence of promotion and marketing, and the range of versions available in 'world cinema'. Chapters on the contexts, genres and critical issues of Shakespeare on screen offer a diverse range of close analyses, from 'Classical Hollywood' films to the BBC's Hollow Crown series. The companion also features sections on the work of individual directors Orson Welles, Akira Kurosawa, Franco Zeffirelli, Kenneth Branagh, and Vishal Bhardwaj, and is supplemented by a guide to further reading and a filmography.
This concluding chapter draws together the strands of argument in the book by surveying the political thought of the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum. The chapter then examines why the 2014 case for independence had changed in significant respects from the earlier versions of the case examined in this book. Finally, the chapter weighs up the changes that will be needed to the case for Scottish independence as nationalists look towards another referendum.
This introductory chapter surveys the existing histories of Scottish nationalism and gives an initial narrative of the independence movement’s trajectory across the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. The chapter then argues that the methods of intellectual history can shed fresh light on this history by investigating in greater depth how nationalists have conceptualised and defended the goal of ‘independence’ in political argument. The chapter distinguishes the focus of this book on more analytic modes of political thought from other cultural histories of the period and delineates the complex ways in which the concepts of ‘nationalism’ and ‘unionism’ have been used in Scottish political debate. The chapter concludes by giving an overview of the structure and argument of the book.
Scottish nationalism understood as support for an independent Scottish state is notable by its absence from most of Scotland’s history after 1707. Although the initial organised advocacy for greater Scottish democratic autonomy within the United Kingdom emerged in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the goal of Scottish independence only received its first sustained modern articulation after the First World War. This chapter examines the ideology of these early Scottish nationalists as they tried to construct a persuasive case for independence before the rise in support for the SNP in the 1960s. The aim of the chapter is not to offer an exhaustive account of the nationalism of this period but to set the scene for the rest of the book by clarifying the ideological resources that were already available for advocates of independence in the mid-twentieth century. The chapter looks in turn at the political economy and constitutionalist arguments that were framed by nationalists in the decades around the Second World War.
This chapter examines the cultural case for Scottish independence made from the 1960s onwards, understood in a broad sense as the view that the Union threatens the autonomy of Scotland’s distinctive institutions, particularly its egalitarian character as expressed through its democratic intellectual and educational traditions. The chapter focuses on the influential argument along these lines articulated by the philosopher George Davie and a number of cultural nationalists influenced by him. Although widely discussed, this cultural nationalism was considered to be a false start by many influential figures in the independence movement. The chapter concludes by reviewing why many leading advocates of independence instead looked to alternative intellectual sources, or translated the cultural case into a political one, to advance their cause.
This chapter analyses nationalist attempts to yoke together Scottish independence and the egalitarian politics of the left. From an initial embrace of the radical participatory politics of the 1960s to a later enthusiasm for the heritage of the British labour movement, this chapter shows that nationalists have presented independence as the route to a socialist Scotland. But as this chapter also demonstrates, the early twenty-first century saw some key nationalists turning away from this agenda and embracing instead a revisionist social democracy that accepted some significant capitalist constraints on the politics of independence.
This chapter turns to the nationalist critique of the British state from the 1960s. It demonstrates how indebted independence supporters have been to the writings of Tom Nairn and the wider New Left’s characterisation of Britain as an antediluvian relic that historically evaded an adequate process of modernisation. In particular, the chapter demonstrates the importance of ‘imperialism’ to nationalist thinking, insofar as nationalists saw the fundamental weakness of British national identity as its close connection with empire and the economic ‘decline’ of the British state as related to its loss of colonial possessions. However, the chapter also documents the fading away of the Marxist and economistic elements of this critique of Britain over the course of the 1980s and 1990s, to be replaced by a robust, but avowedly political, democratic republicanism, which identified the British state’s chief shortcoming as a failure to become a proper bourgeois democracy.
This chapter focuses on the concept of sovereignty and the twofold role it has played in nationalist thought. First, the chapter shows that an increasingly important argument for independence has been that a long-standing Scottish tradition of popular sovereignty is fundamentally in tension with the English notion of parliamentary sovereignty. Indeed, a rudimentary but highly effective argument for Scottish independence from the 1980s onwards was simply that in the absence of a Scottish state Scotland is often governed from Westminster by a party that the Scottish people did not vote for. On this account, Scottish independence is supported by the principles of democracy. But, second, the chapter also demonstrates that from the 1980s onwards Scottish nationalists frequently argued that the era of absolute state sovereignty had ended. Instead, an independent Scotland would be one among a whole raft of ‘post-sovereign’ European states, sharing membership of the European Union and pooling sovereignty where appropriate to advance their interests.
We tested 9 disinfectants against Candida auris using the quantitative disk carrier method EPA-MB-35-00: 5 products with hydrogen peroxide or alcohol-based chemistries were effective and 4 quaternary ammonium compound-based products were not. This work supported a FIFRA Section 18 emergency exemption granted by the US Environmental Protection Agency to expand disinfectant guidance for C. auris.
Evidence is emerging that beliefs about voices are influenced by broader schematic beliefs about the self and others. Similarly, studies indicate that the relationship an individual has with their voice may mirror wider patterns of relating observed in social relationships, which may be influenced by schematic beliefs.
This study examined associations between beliefs about voices and self and other schemas. Furthermore, associations between schemas and the perceived relationship between the hearer and their predominant voice were explored.
Forty-four voice-hearing participants were recruited across mental health services. Participants completed self-report measures of beliefs about voices, schema functioning, and relating between the hearer and their voice. Dimensions of voice experience, such as frequency and content, were assessed using a clinician-rated scale.
Beliefs about voices correlated with negative voice content and schemas. After controlling for negative voice content, schemas were estimated to predict between 1 and 17% of the variance in the six measured beliefs about voices; three of the associations reached statistical significance. Negative-self schema were the strongest predictors of beliefs about voices, whilst positive-self also showed potential relationships. Schemas also correlated with dimensions of relating between the hearer and their voice.
In line with previous research, this study provides evidence that schemas, particularly self-schema, may be important in the development of beliefs about voices. This study offers preliminary findings to suggest that schemas are also associated with the perceived relationship between the hearer and their voice.
Optimal management of severe pain in a traditional hospital setting can be a challenging process. 1-3 Yet, attempting to manage pain in an out-of-hospital, combat, or austere environment is even more demanding.4-8 Because early intervention in both acute pain9 and chronic pain10 is associated with improved outcomes, timely and aggressive treatment may reduce the prevalence or severity of chronic pain and lead to enduring improvements in patients’ quality of life.11