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Rulemaking pursuant to the 2010 Dodd-Frank Act provides a useful setting to assess theories of interest group influence. In the wake of the financial crisis, Congress delegated new rulemaking authority to federal agencies to regulate mortgage markets. A critical aspect of this new regulatory regime engendered significant controversy from affected interests: “credit risk retention” would require sponsors of asset-backed securities to retain a stake in the risk of securitized assets. Contrary to unrefined industry capture-based accounts stressing the disproportionate role of larger, well-established regulated entities in setting policy, we find little evidence of sustained effort by large lenders to dilute regulatory standards via political investments. Rather, a diverse coalition of housing sector, community, and civil rights groups, backed by an ideologically diverse swath of legislators, forced substantial regulatory retrenchment. Our analysis suggests a more nuanced view of private influence, in which coordination plays a more substantial role than political investments alone.
Pulsed coherent extreme ultraviolet (EUV) radiation is a potential alternative to pulsed near-ultraviolet (NUV) wavelengths for atom probe tomography. EUV radiation has the benefit of high absorption within the first few nm of the sample surface for elements across the entire periodic table. In addition, EUV radiation may also offer athermal field ion emission pathways through direct photoionization or core-hole Auger decay processes, which are not possible with the (much lower) photon energies used in conventional NUV laser-pulsed atom probe. We report preliminary results from what we believe to be the world’s first EUV radiation-pulsed atom probe microscope. The instrument consists of a femtosecond-pulsed, coherent EUV radiation source interfaced to a local electrode atom probe tomograph by means of a vacuum manifold beamline. EUV photon-assisted field ion emission (of substrate atoms) has been demonstrated on various insulating, semiconducting, and metallic specimens. Select examples are shown.
Empirically-based economic injury levels are lacking for pea aphid, Acyrthosiphon pisum Harris (Hemiptera: Aphididae), as a direct pest of dry peas, Pisum sativum Linnaeus (Fabaceae). To address this need, the relationship between pea aphid density and yield of dry pea (cultivar Aragorn) were quantified by encaging pea aphids at varying densities for 17-day infestation periods during 2009 and 2010 in Moscow, Idaho, United States of America. Pea aphid density after infestation at the early reproductive stage of the crop (x) significantly reduced dry pea seed yield (relative weight of US #1 dry peas, y): y = 0.7733 − 0.00998x + 0.000037x2. Economic injury levels were computed based on this relationship and incorporating the cost of control, crop market value, insecticide efficacy, and crop yield potential. The resulting economic injury levels ranged from five to 19 pea aphids per plant at the start of early reproductive growth stages of dry peas. For usability these were converted to sweep net sample size equivalents of 86–307 pea aphids per twenty-five 180-degree sweeps with a standard sweep net. These economic injury levels are applicable in the inland Pacific Northwest, United States of America, where they were developed and likely in other regions with similar climatic and agronomic conditions.
Drawing on five waves of longitudinal data from 392 families (52% female; mean age of wave 1 [Mage_W1] = 12.89, standard deviation [SD] = .48; Mage_W5 = 21.95, SD = .77; 199 European American and 193 Mexican American families; 217 intact and 175 stepfather families), this study documented transactional relations of mothers’ and fathers’ depressive symptoms with youth's symptomatology from early adolescence to young adulthood. Trait and time-varying cross-lagged models revealed that both mothers’ and fathers’ between- and within-person differences in depressive symptoms were associated with youth's internalizing and externalizing symptoms. Whereas each parent's depressive symptoms uniquely contributed to youth's internalizing symptoms, however, only mothers’ depressive symptoms influenced youth's externalizing symptoms. Although reciprocal effects of youth's internalizing symptoms on parents’ depressive symptoms were not significant, youth's externalizing symptoms predicted changes in mothers’ depressive symptoms over time. Moderation analyses revealed distinct transactional patterns by family ethnicity and child gender, but not by family structure. This study revealed dynamic transactions among family members’ symptomatology that point to opportune times and targets for intervention efforts aimed at mitigating the negative impact of parents’ depressive symptoms on youth's adjustment.
Welfare policy discourse plays an important role in shaping how marginalised groups are identified and how poverty is addressed. Research on welfare policy discourse has mostly adopted a top-down perspective, examining how marginalised groups are constituted through interrelated discourses that are produced and enacted by powerful actors. However, little attention has been given to understanding how welfare policy discourse is used and enacted by marginalised groups themselves. This article focuses on asset-building discourse, a newly ascendant discourse which suggests that poverty can be alleviated through savings and building wealth. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 24 poor single mothers of colour participating in a matched savings programme, the article explores how poor women rely on asset-building discourse to make sense of their poverty challenges and how to overcome them. The study finds that the women express neoliberal ideals as they seek to portray themselves as committed to becoming self-sufficient, financially literate, disciplined savers and entrepreneurs. The findings indicate that the women feel empowered and see themselves as worthy citizens, irrespective of whether their economic situation has actually improved or whether they ultimately come to resist asset-building discourse's individualisation of their predicament.
After describing a newly assembled dataset consisting of almost 9,000 local appropriations made by the U.S. Congress between 1789 and 1882, we test competing accounts of the politics surrounding them before offering a more nuanced, historically contingent view of the emergence of the pork barrel. We demonstrate that for most of this historical period—despite contemporary accusations of crass electoral motives—the pattern of appropriations is largely inconsistent with accounts of distributive politics grounded in a logic of legislative credit-claiming. Instead, support for appropriations in the House mapped cleanly onto the partisan/ideological structure of Congress for most of this period, and only in the 1870s produced the universalistic coalitions commonly associated with pork-barrel spending. We trace this shift to two historical factors: the emergence of a solid Democratic South, and growth in the fraction of appropriations funding recurrent expenditures on extant projects rather than new starts.
P-band interferometric synthetic aperture radar (InSAR) data at 5 m resolution from Kahiltna Glacier, the largest glacier in the Alaska Range, Alaska, USA, show pronounced spatial variation in penetration depth, δP. We obtained δP by differencing X- and P-band digital elevation models. δP varied significantly over the glacier, but it was possible to distinguish representative zones. In the accumulation area, δP decreased with decreasing elevation from 18 ± 3 m in the percolation zone to 10 ± 4 m in the wet snow zone. In the central portion of the ablation area, a location free of debris and crevasses, we identified a zone of very high δP (34 ± 4 m) which decreased at lower elevations (23 ± 3 m in bare ice and 5-10m in debris-covered ice). We observe that the spatial configuration of δP is consistent with the expected thermal regime of each zone: δP is high in areas where cold firn/ice likely occurs (i.e. percolation zone and upper ablation area) and low in areas where temperate surface firn/ice likely exists (wet snow zone and lower ablation area). We suggest that the very high δP observed in the upper ablation area is due to the presence of a cold surface layer.
I propose that the famously unexplained mood of emotional helplessness with which Antonio thus opens The Merchant of Venice is the first of many prompts for an efficacious counter-mode of self-reflection that is deeply embedded in the play's language. This is a modality of language in symbolic action that is linked, in reaction, to the morally problematical manifestations of the surface drama. Many commentators have noted the degraded values for which the play's apparent heroes stand, especially the way their claims for Christian mercy are belied by merciless legalism and unabashed greed. I believe that a reactive reflection on the surface drama is an inner necessity generated by the play itself. Yet the widely divergent responses that constitute the history of reception of The Merchant of Venice turn precisely on whether one recognizes that inner necessity. A. D. Nuttall puts his finger directly on this question – “the most difficult point,” he calls it – and decides against the recognition. His reasoning, and what I believe are its flaws, are telling:
Half-buried echoes and subauditions in the play really do compose a structure, and an exciting subversive thesis. But they are not the play. After years of pious criticism the views of A. D. Moody and H. C. Goddard are very seductive. Moody says, “Shylock avows the moral sense by which they actually live. We can see that by condemning Shylock they are condemning their own sins. It would seem that they are making him literally into their scapegoat … or, A. C. Goddard puts it, ‘They project onto him what they have dismissed from their own consciousness as too disturbing.’” But in agreeing with this we are in danger of forgetting the real generosity, however produced, of the Christians, the real ferocity, however explained, of Shylock. They did forgive Shylock. Shylock would have torn open the breast of Antonio. These are things which no theatrical experience of the play will ever let you forget. … The subversive counter-thesis is itself too easy.
Politeness in conversation has epistemic costs, in that it saps conversational silence of its capacity to signal assent. Whether these costs are outweighed by the obvious social benefits of politeness is not a question we pursue here.
“Between the time of leaving school and entering the barracks, during those dangerous years of adolescence when the passions are aroused, when the temptations of the cabaret and the street beckon, the youth, left to his own devices, runs the risk not only of forgetting what he has learned, but of losing any sense of morality.” That call to alarm, sounded in 1904 by Gabriel Séailles, professor of philosophy in the Sorbonne, echoed throughout the French business, political, and intellectual establishment at the turn of the century. Those Frenchmen self-appointed to defend the republican order had good reason to be alarmed. In their view, young workingclass men, cut loose from secure familial moorings and only partially integrated into the world of industrial labor, were easy pickings for those socialists and syndicalists who worked to subvert order. The “social question” dominated French political life and, for many, popular education appeared to offer the best chance of coming to grips with it. For Léon Bourgeois, “the social problem” was, “in the final analysis, a problem of education.” Séailles drew attention to a relationship and to a choice in the subtitle of his pamphlet: “Education and revolution.”