INTRODUCTION

In Malaysia, Islam is often regarded as the religion of the federation. However, it should be noted that the 1957 Report of the Federation of Malaya Constitutional Commission, also known as the Reid Commission Report 1957, clearly states that:

The White Paper of the report further emphasizes:

Article 3(1) of the Federal Constitution states that “Islam is the religion of the Federation; but other religions may be practised in peace and harmony in any part of the Federation” (Laws of Malaysia Federal Constitution 1957, p. 11).

The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

• • Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), published by the United Nations in 1948, states that “everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.”

• • Malaysia recently won its bid to sit on the United Nations Human Rights Council from 2022 to 2024. However, while the country's constitution is progressive in underlining the rights of religious minorities, this is severely lacking in practice as it exercises heavy regulation on religion, combined with restrictions on the practices of certain faiths.

• • Based on interviews and focus group discussions conducted in Malaysia, this paper uncovers the challenges faced by religious minorities in the country, and how treatment of them at the hands of religious authorities is illustrative of encroachments on their right to the freedom of religion. The groups that will be focused on are the Millah Ibrahim (Abrahamic Faith), the Baha’i faith, and the Ahmadiyah faith, all of which have been banned by the religious authorities.

• • It was found that the three groups navigate their respective situations differently. For example, Millah Ibrahim adherents are very conscious of the repression that they face, and have resorted to propagating their teachings in secret and migrating to countries that are more lenient towards them. On the other hand, the Baha’i community feel they have relative freedom to practise their rituals despite the fatwa which bans their movement, and therefore do not see the need to take legal action against the authorities. This is in contrast to the Ahmadiyah adherents who use legal means (such as court cases) to counteract the repression towards them.

• • Considering the precarious position of these groups, it is recommended that religious authorities engage with these minority groups so as to deepen their understanding of these groups and to properly assess the perceived threat that they allegedly pose. Such engagement would also allow Malaysia to uphold its commitment to human rights.

INTRODUCTION

The eastward spread of Esoteric Buddhist Tantra, of which architectural and sculptural maṇḍalas were a constitutive part, from the Indian subcontinent to other regions of Maritime Asia was a defining feature of the Indic Middle Ages. Starting from the 7th century CE, Esoteric Buddhism began to develop iconographic programmes based on maṇḍalic themes in which the Pañcatathāgata system, with Vairocana or Akṣobhya at the centre, as well as bodhisattvas and other divinities, were arranged in particular alignments. This chapter explores the development of maṇḍalas based on Caryā- and Yoga-tantras in the architectural and iconographic programmes of Buddhist sites in Ratnagiri, Udayagiri, and Lalitagiri, situated in what is now the eastern littoral state of Odisha in India. In the first part, it argues that Odisha emerged as an early centre of Esoteric Buddhism, presenting epigraphic, sculptural, and architectural evidence of maṇḍalas that Buddhist monks transmitted to Southeast and East Asia. In the second part, it highlights similarities between the Odishan architectural and art historical remains and analogous monuments and objects from the Buddhist sites of Central Java, which were also based on the Caryā- and Yoga-tantras.

PART I:

ODISHA AS AN EARLY CENTRE OF ESOTERIC BUDDHISM

The Identification of Odisha as Uḍḍiyāna/ Oḍḍiyāna

Before starting my exploration of Esoteric Buddhism in Maritime Asia with special reference to Odisha, a discussion of the issue of the identification of Uḍḍiyāna/Oḍḍiyāna is in order. Uḍḍiyāna/ Oḍḍiyāna, which the Tibetan accounts regard as an important centre of Esoteric Buddhism, has variously been associated with the Swat Valley in Northwestern India or Southeastern India (Odisha, Tamil Nadu). The Gaṇeśa image inscription found in Gadrez (near Swat) and its reading by scholars, such as Ronald Davidson (2002: 209), led many to assert in unequivocal terms that Oḍḍiyāna is the Swat valley, and Sanderson (2007: 265–67) has gathered further evidence from Sanskrit texts supporting this identification. However, as argued by Sahu (1958: 147), the words Oḍa, Oḍra, Uḍra, Oḍiviśa and Oḍiyāna are all used as variants of Uḍḍiyāna in both Tibetan and Sanskrit texts: for instance, in the Sādhanamālā (12th century CE), Uḍḍiyāna is also spelled as Oḍrayāna (Odisha), while in the Kālikā Purāṇa (c. 11th–12th century) it is spelled either Uḍḍiyāna or Oḍra (van Kooij 1972: 170–171).

INTRODUCTION

Trailokyavijaya, the ‘Conqueror of the Three Worlds’, also called Vajrahūṃkāra (‘Adamantine Hūṃ Producing’), is a wrathful manifestation of Vajrapāṇi, sometimes described as a transformation of Vajrasattva (and thus identical in essence with the Buddha Mahāvairocana), or as an emanation of the Buddha Akṣobhya. He belongs to a category of beings whom Linrothe defined as ‘wrathful destroyers of obstacles’ (krodha- vighnāntaka), a class of esoteric deities whose task is not merely the protection of the devotees or the intimidation of recalcitrant beings, but also, and most importantly, the removal of external and internal hindrances and the transmutation of ignorance into wisdom. While the cult of Trailokyavijaya spanned almost the entire Asian continent over many centuries, it appears to have achieved considerable prominence in Java in the 8th–11th centuries. As it will become apparent from several elements analysed below, the communities of South Sea States, and in particular those of Sri Lanka, might have exerted a major influence on the transmission to East Asia of textual, artistic and ritual aspects related to this deity.

The aim of this chapter is to cast some light upon the diffusion and nature of the cult of Trailokyavijaya in Java between the 8th and the 11th century, through the analysis of epigraphical and sculptural remains. These two types of artefacts have different characteristics, and thus different analytical methods will be employed. Inscriptions are often dated, have a more or less explicit content, can include formulas charged with multiple esoteric meanings, and in many cases come from a very precise location, possibly from a meaningful context: as such, they can often be put in relation with specific figures, communities, buildings, texts, and ritual practices. The statuettes from Java, on the other hand, are undated, and their precise provenance is unknown; however, their approximate period of manufacture and their connection with specific texts, traditions, and regions of the Buddhist world could be reconstructed by means of their style and iconography.

The main body of this chapter will discuss the relevant epigraphic and artistic production from Java by making use of both primary and secondary sources. Other kinds of local and foreign sources, such as Indo-Tibetan and Sino-Japanese texts and artefacts, or Old Javanese literature preserved in Bali, will be referred to throughout the chapter, as a means of contextualization.

INTRODUCTION

Measuring 26 by 26 metres and situated on the northwestern side of the Ratu Boko complex, a square, two-terraced platform with a deep hole at the centre can be found just steps away from the entrance to the second enclosure. The structure is known locally as Candi Pembakaran, which literally means ‘Temple of Ash’ due to the fact that it was believed to be a crematorium or a sacrificial fire pit as ashes were said to have been found on the structure. However, its actual purpose remains unclear.

The fragment of an inscription unearthed near the entrance to the second enclosure reveals that the complex was modelled after the Abhayagirivihāra in Anurādhapura, Sri Lanka. The renowned Dutch epigraphist Johannes G. de Casparis (1961: 245) observed that it is ‘either a more or less exact replica of the Ceylonese monastery or, more probably, a building which had enough in common with it—in form or spirit or both—to deserve the same name.’ If the inscription and de Casparis’ observations are indeed reliable, a square pit or similar structure must also have existed in Anurādhapura. Faxian, a travelling Buddhist monk who lived in the 5th century CE, talks about a square Bodhi shrine at Abhayagirivihāra in his chronicle. In the light of the brief description of the Abhayagirivihāra's shrine given by the monk and of its location near a water source, one may surmise that the square structure at Ratu Boko might have had the same function, given that the Bodhi shrine is one part of a threefold Buddhist monastery consisting of a stūpa, a pratimāghara (temple for a Buddha image), and a bodhighara (outdoor shrine for the Bodhi tree). On the other hand, this structure could simply have been a part of a stūpa and the large square pit at the centre would then have been the dhātugarbha (relic chamber). Through the survey of inscriptions, chronicles, archaeological data as well as the comparison of the structure with a variety of existing monuments, this chapter aims to identify the function of Candi Pembakaran at Ratu Boko. The result suggests that the Candi may have had a function different from what archaeologists have imagined thus far.

INTRODUCTION

Borobudur sits right in the centre of the island of Java. When it was rediscovered in 1814, this magnificent temple was buried in the jungle, and Java at that time was under the British rule. Attempts to solve the mysteries of Borobudur started soon thereafter.

In 1927 Krom listed nearly 300 publications related to Borobudur studies already in print. Toward the end of the 20th century this number has grown to over 500. Study after study has attempted to reveal the monument's origin, meaning, or function. And yet, from these studies and at least from the time Borobudur undergone the first major restoration (1907–1911), it has also become clear that we do not have any lucid historical data beyond what is left of the structure itself. This has not only hampered any attempts to understand Borobudur as a whole, but also led to more and more controversies. One can see the debate developing over time and through many eminent scholars’ contributions to Borobudur studies.

Divergences are quite healthy and fairly common in scholarship when they lead us to enhance our understanding of the subject matter. But when we examine how these divergences have arisen and developed in Borobudur studies, the result is not very encouraging. We find some alarming indications that raise even more substantial questions about the processes with which studies on Borobudur have been carried out. Perhaps it suffices to say for the moment that, facing such a vicious circle, no one needs to wonder any longer why the current state of knowledge of Borobudur is so confusing. At least, when the word ‘mystery’ in Borobudur studies presents itself, one may now realize that after almost two centuries from the rediscovery of Borobudur the word is more likely an expression of desperation than wonder. Until recently there has been no solid answer to many fundamental problems of Borobudur: no clear explanation or consensus on what Borobudur is, why the builders built it, not even about the meaning of its name. As such, despite the long history of Borobudur studies, there has been so far no indication that we are getting closer to attaining the goal of an improved understanding of the monument.

Penanggungan is the name of an extinct volcano lying in the province of East Java near the city of Surabaya. Although rising just 1,650 m above sea-level, the mountain forms an impressive landmark on the northern plains, where it serves as a natural boundary separating the regencies of Pasuruan and Mojokerto (Fig. 10.1). To the east, at a distance of some 25 km, can be found the ancient site of Majapahit at Trowulan (Mojokerto), while to the south lie the majestic peaks of the Arjuna-Welirang massif.

One only has to glance at Penanggungan's unique form, comprising four minor prominences arranged symmetrically around a steep conical summit, to understand how the mountain came to be identified with the sacred five-peaked Mahāmeru of Hindu and Buddhist tradition. Available historical sources confirm that Mt Penanggungan was formerly known as Pavitra (‘pure’, ‘holy’, ‘purifying’), a name referred to in both early Javanese and Sundanese literature, as well as in at least one 10th-century inscription from eastern Java. According to a legend immortalized in the Old Javanese Tantu Paṅgәlaran, the holy Mahāmeru was removed from its original position in the Himalaya and brought to Java through the combined effort of the gods. During the journey, however, the topmost section became detached and fell to earth, forming the mountain Pavitra, while the remaining mass was set down in the Tengger highlands at the eastern end of the island, becoming known as Mt Semeru (3,676 m), Java's highest peak.

Given the mountain's supreme sanctity, as well as its proximity to the former Majapahit capital, it is hardly surprising that Penanggungan preserves an abundance of archaeological remains. Curiously, however, it was not until about eighty years ago that this rich cultural legacy began to attract serious attention. While it is true that a number of ancient sites located at the foot of the mountain, such as Jolotundo, Belahan and Jedong, had already been documented during the 19th century, there was little knowledge of the conditions on the upper slopes. Early published field reports are limited to a brief note concerning the remnants of a structure on the mountain's summit by the vulcanologist H. Zollinger (1846: 134) and a romantic description of Candi Selokelir by F.L. Broekveldt (1904: 23–27), who visited the site in 1900 while serving as controleur at Trawas (Mojokerto).

INTRODUCTION

The central figure in this chapter is Sītā as depicted in the Rāmāyaṇa bas-reliefs on the inner side of the balustrade wall enclosing the ambulatories of the three main shrines of the temple complex of Candi Prambanan. One of the riddles that Sītā presents us with at this temple site is her background, that is to say her birth and parentage. This matter appears to be particularly relevant for the interpretation of the twelfth bas-relief scene on the Brahmā temple, which shows Rāvaṇa's corpse surrounded by a few women. The caption with the photograph taken by H. Leydie Melville around 1900 reads ‘Lamentation of Rawana by his wife Mandodari’ (see Fig. 8.1). This caption as well as the subsequent descriptions of the scene seems to me to fall short. For instance, unlike what some researchers write about the relief, it is not so much the death or the killing of Rāvaṇa that is represented here (presumably because of the alleged ill effects thereof) as his corpse lying in state on what looks like a funeral pyre.

Next is the problem of the identification of the attending women. Contrary to what is commonly assumed, it may not only concern Queen Mandodarī and Rāvaṇa's other queen-consorts. Because of the connection with the immediately preceding relief, which shows Sītā in the presence of Queen Mandodarī, it does not seem unlikely that Sītā had joined these mourning women. But if this supposition holds true, how should Sītā's presence near the body of her abductor and constant tormentor be explained? In what personal relationship, if any, are they represented in this relief?

Perusal of the literature shows that in numerous post-Vālmīki tellings, Sītā is represented as the daughter of Rāvaṇa with his main consort Mandodarī. This representation is known among widely separated peoples in countries like Tibet and Khotan (Turkmenistan), but also in Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Indonesia (Java, Sunda). Also in India, where the Rāma-story originated, this idea is not completely unknown. Indeed, some scholars believe that the original idea was invented by the Jains. Initially it was assumed that the Uttarapurāṇa of Guṇabhadra, a Jain text dated to the 8th or 9th century CE, was the origin of all narratives in which Sītā figures as Rāvaṇa's daughter.