In their 1995 Latin American Antiquity article, Haviland and Haviland argued that the people who produced much of the graffiti of Tikal were depicting visions from altered states of consciousness. In this paper, I argue that there is room for alternative interpretations. Comparison with children"s drawings from across the world suggests that children or people without training in Maya representational conventions authored a portion of the graffiti. Though this portion may be small, the possibility that children were involved provides a rare opportunity to discuss the experience of childhood. I argue that the content of the graffiti and the inter-subjective context of its production reveal several processes of becoming. Among other things, the graffiti permit an account of how children learn: legitimate participation in a community of people with varied levels of experience. This relational understanding of graffiti production also provides grounds for considering innovation and transformation in the medium of expression. Finally, I argue that the act of representation gives young people a form of mastery over the themes they portray. This helps them to accommodate confusing or difficult relations in their lives and to harmonize with their world in such a way that makes them culturally intelligible subjects.

Some 3,500 years ago, the Sechín Alto Polity built large, precisely planned cities, one of which contained the largest structures in the New World at that time. Such accomplishments reflect strong, enduring leadership, and we propose that the power and leadership role of these leaders was tangibly manifested by a unique, widely used architectural element and by a related symbol within polity iconography. The distinctive architectural form is a free-standing module that is omnipresent in power loci: temple, palace, storehouse, mid-level administrative buildings, roadside structures, and a satellite site. We also interpret recurring symbols within Sechín Alto Polity iconography as more abstract representations of this architectural form in its capacity as a power symbol. The essence of this "architecture of power" transcended time as the modular form was imitated by a subsequent polity.

Owing to poor preservation of organic remains in humid environments, direct evidence of early manioc (Manihot esculenta Crantz) cultivation is exceptionally rare in datable archaeological contexts. Recent research summarized here offers new insights into the spatio-temporal framework of the initial domestication and early spread of manioc in the Neotropics. Integrating evidence from comparative plant genetics and paleoethnobotanic starch analysis to contribute to the archaeology of manioc origins, this review finds that (1) the strongest candidate for the botanical origin of domesticated manioc—the wild progenitor of the root crop—is the species Manihot esculenta subspecies flabellifolia (Pohl) Ciferri; (2) the geographical origin of manioc—the biome in which the progenitor evolved—is most likely in the savannas, the Brazilian Cerrado, to the south of the Amazon rainforest; (3) the Cerrado is also, in our best estimate, the region of agricultural origin of initial cultivation; (4) domesticated manioc had spread from the agricultural origin by the early Holocene, possibly as early as 10,000 years ago, but certainly by 7000 B.C.; and (5) domesticated manioc was a readily available plant in most habitats of the Neotropics by the mid-Holocene, at least some 6500 years ago.

Ancient Mesoamericans were making rubber by at least 1600 B.C, mixing latex from Castilla elastica trees with juice from Ipomoea alba (morning glory) vines. The combination of ethnographic, archaeological and mechanical data presented in this text illustrate that ancient Mesoamericans had fully developed this process, and consciously tailored the mechanical properties of rubber to suit requirements of specific applications by altering the ratio of latex to I. alba juice. Our data focus on rubber balls, sandal soles, and rubber bands for hafting and joining. Elasticity, the mechanical property that defines the ability of a rubber ball to bounce, is maximized with a 1:1 volume ratio of latex to I. alba juice. Rubber with high wear resistance, vital to the life and functionality of a sandal sole, can be created by mixing C. elastica latex with 25 percent I. alba juice by volume. Unprocessed C. elastica latex, without I. alba juice, is the material best suited for joining applications, such as adhesives or hafting bands, where strength and ability to absorb shock is of the greatest importance. Tribute data from sixteenth-century codices substantiate that rubber was processed for specific applications within the Aztec empire—rubber and latex goods were processed and constructed in the C. elastica-bearing regions, and then shipped to the capital for use or further distribution.

One of the most serious limitations in studies of prehistoric hunter-gatherer societies based on the archaeological record has been the difficulty of establishing distinctions among groups that inhabited a given area at the same time. This article suggests that, at least during a period ranging from 3000 B.C. to A.D. 1000, the Central Chilean Andes, specifically the Maipo River Valley, was occupied by two groups of hunter-gatherers that were distinct enough for us to propose that they were actually two different social units.

Archaeological residues of ritual are often ephemeral, and reconstructing the dynamics of performed actions that create deposits can be difficult. Rituals associated with the dead are common across many cultures since all human groups have specific means of disposing of corpses. Evidence of peri- and postmortem manipulation of human remains, such as cutting, dismemberment, or disarticulation can provide details of the sequence of actions performed related to the circumstances surrounding death and the possible social meaning of those behaviors. Cut marks observed on the upper chest and throat of 93 percent of 117 children and men found interred at the Temple of the Sacred Stone at Túcume, Peru are consistent with three symbolic behaviors: cutting the throat, opening the chest cavity, and decapitation. This patterning of skeletal trauma demonstrates that a highly elaborate series of violent ritual behaviors was carried out on a regular basis at this location, beginning in the Late Intermediate Period (∼A.D. 1100) through to the end of the Late Horizon Inca occupation of the site around A.D. 1532. The recent finds of bioarchaeological evidence of ritual violence across the Andes suggests that, although rare, these mortuary remains provide important clues to the elaborate nature of ritual behaviors at different sites.

This article explores religion, death, and mortuary practices in the Southern Moche (A.D. 1-800) periphery as viewed through the excavation of grave contexts at the site of Huambacho, Nepeña Valley, Peru. Moche influence reached Nepeña as is visible in the construction of religious buildings at the site of Pañamarca and the presence of Moche style ceramics at several sites. In 2003 and 2004, scientific excavations at Huambacho, an Early Horizon center mainly built and occupied during the first millennium B.C., yielded a series of intrusive graves containing Gallinazo, Virú, and Moche style objects. This contribution contextualizes these discoveries and focuses on the analysis of funerary patterns of burial, osteological evidence, and symbolic meanings with the objective of understanding local funerary practices and Moche religious and cultural expressions. Symbolic references to coast-highland interactions, inversions in body positioning, and possible human sacrifices bring insights into the complex and potentially tense sociohistorical cirmcumstances in Nepeña during the Moche phase.

Excavations at the site of Ixlú in northern Guatemala recovered a series of skulls and dismembered postcrania from a Postclassic (ca. A.D. 1000—1525) Maya temple. The current study considers demography, taphonomy (including mortuary processing), cultural modification and biological distance among the remains in light of ethnohistoric and archaeological data. Doing so addresses who made the deposits, why they were made, and who was interred, and informs on the use of ritual violence in the Postclassic Southern Lowlands. Six skulls were arranged in pairs on the east-west midline of the building, and fifteen skulls were placed in rows in the center of the building. All of the skulls faced east. Four postcrania were placed perpendicular to the skull rows. The skulls and postcrania were primarily late adolescent to young adult males. Three of the individuals exhibited a rare dental trait, supernumerary teeth, indicating that at least some of the individuals were related. The most likely scenario to account for the deposits is that the Itzá, a dominant political group in the area, sacrificed enemy combatants drawn from raiding and buried them as a part of a dedicatory ritual in the temple.

The investigation of social inequality in the Caribbean mainly has focused on the larger islands of the Greater Antilles where ethnohistoric records and monumental architecture form the basis for analysis of precolumbian complex societies. This paper presents evidence for status differentiation in the Lesser Antilles on the small island of Anguilla within a deposit at the Sandy Hill site and evaluates associated archaeofauna for evidence of rank-based differences in food consumption. When compared with three other sites, the higher density of status-related artifacts and higher densities of food remains at the Sandy Hill site are interpreted as the result of feasting. No evidence for inequality is observed in patterns of food consumption.

Se presentan los resultados del análisis arqueofaunístico del sitio arqueológico Agua de la Cueva (sector sur), en el lapso temporal comprendido entre ca. 11,000 y 5000 a.P. Los materiales analizados indican una escasa diversidad de taxa, con un fuerte predominio de Lama guanicoe en todos los componentes. Las diferencias principales entre las ocupaciones pertenecientes al Pleistoceno Final-Holoceno Temprano en relación a las del Holoceno Medio se vinculan principalmente a la disminución significativa en la tasa de especímenes óseos a lo largo del tiempo y la ausencia de Vicugna vicugna a partir de ca. 9000 años a.P. En relación a esto último, los análisis osteométricos y morfológicos descartan la posibilidad de que los especímenes pertenecientes a esta especie correspondan a la denominada subespecie extinta Lama (Vicugna) gracilis. Por el contrario, los mismos parecen corresponder a la actual Vicugna vicugna, cuya dispersión tiene su límite sur unos 600 km al norte del sitio estudiado. Por último, los datos aquí presentados permiten discutir aspectos de la subsistencia humana en el centro-oeste del continente sudamericano durante las primeras etapas de ocupación de la región y cómo los hombres reaccionaron a los principales cambios ambientales ocurridos durante la primera mitad del Holoceno.

Se estudiaron los restos de micromamíferos y otros pequeños vertebrados (Número de Especímenes Identificados = 2,754) del sitio arqueológico Quebrada del Real 1, provincia de Córdoba, Argentina. Las muestras analizadas estuvieron dominadas por roedores caviomorfos de las familias Caviidae y Ctenomyidae, incluyendo taxones de tamaño relativamente grande (200—700 g), hábitos coloniales o gregarios, ubicación predecible, y fáciles de explotar como recurso. El estudio tafonómico de los restos sugiere que las acumulaciones tienen un origen mayoritario en actividades antrópicas de consumo. Las evidencias incluyen la presencia de huellas de corte (especialmente en mandíbulas y huesos del esqueleto apendicular) y un patrón diferencial de alteración térmica, mayormente restringido a las porciones distales de tibias. En el contexto regional, el consumo de pequeños vertebrados sugiere que la implementación de una dieta de amplio espectro posiblemente no sea un proceso arqueológico exclusivamente tardío, sino que se remonta al menos al límite Holoceno Medio-Tardío (ca. 3000 a.P.).