One of the common assumptions of standard metrical phonology (Hayes 1981) is that rules of stress placement do not refer to the weight or nature of syllable onsets. This is most clearly stated in Halle & Vergnaud (1980:93): ‘in all languages known to us, stress assignment rules are sensitive to the structure of the syllable rime, but disregard completely the character of the onset’. This assumption has been attacked by both Davis (1982, 1985a, b) and Everett & Everett (1984). These researchers have pointed to a number of languages which seem to have stress-placement rules that are sensitive to the nature of the syllable onset. For example, Davis (1985a, b) notes that Western Aranda (an Arandic language of Australia) has a stress rule that places main stress on the initial syllable if it begins with a consonant; otherwise stress falls on the second syllable. However, if the word is bisyllabic, stress must fall on the initial syllable, since final syllables are always extrametrical.

Over the past few years, research in metrical phonology has witnessed a shift in its main topic of investigation. Originally, attention was focused on the representation of prominence patterns of words (for example, Liberman & Prince 1977; Kiparsky 1979; Selkirk 1980; Hayes 1981), but more recently interest has arisen in several sorts of ‘rhythmic’ stress phenomena in larger domains (Prince 1983; Hayes 1984; Selkirk 1984; Hammond 1984; Giegerich 1985). One way of explaining this shift is by noting that the issue of the treatment of prominence patterns proper seems to have reached a stage where both grid-only (i.e. tree-less) theory and variants of tree-full theories, whether or not they employ grids as well, are capable of explaining the prominence patterns of words (see, for instance, Prince 1983; van der Hulst 1984). In this situation, investigation of rhythmic stress phenomena may offer the possibility of evaluating these theories because, as currently perceived, this area typically deals with the issue of whether metrical tree structure is needed at all, or whether grid structure by itself is capable of explaining rhythmic adjustments: on the one hand, grid-only theory claims that any constituency relevant to rhythmic adjustment is adequately encoded in the grid; on the other, tree theory holds that more detailed, or perhaps different, constituent information is required, as expressed in the metrical tree.

The phenomenon studied in this paper is the correspondence between the syllabic position of segments copied in reduplication and the syllabic position of their base counterparts. I will document this correlation and propose a model of reduplication that explains it.

Shattuck-Hufnagel (1986) (henceforth S-H), in discussing the significance of ‘slips of the tongue’ for a model of processing, is particularly concerned with attempting to establish to what extent some of the constructs posited by phonologists in their characterisations of phonological structure can be shown to have a role in the planning of speech production. On the basis of the ‘MIT corpus’ of errors (collected by Merrill Garrett and herself), particularly those involving vowels, she argues for a role in planning for aspects of syllable structure, placement of lexical stress, and distinctions and dimensions such as those commonly captured by feature notations. My concern here is with some further aspects of syllable structure: I shall suggest that her data provide support for even more detailed structural properties than are proposed by S-H herself; indeed, that one uncertainty in assessing the significance of the data can be resolved by an independently motivated analysis of subsyllabic structure. I shall not repeat here the details of the classification of errors on which S-H's discussion is based (1986: §1); what is significant in the present context is that errors of various types provide a motivation for particular subsyllabic units.