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Competing for Distinction: Lineage and Individual Recognition in Eighteenth-Century Sindh

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 July 2020

SHAYAN RAJANI*
Affiliation:
LUMS Universityshayan.rajani@lums.edu.pk

Abstract

There is a long tradition of describing Sindh as peculiarly prone to Sayyid veneration. On the face of it, the biographical section of Tuhfat al-Kiram or Gift for the Noble, an eighteenth-century history and geography written in Persian in Sindh, appears to confirm this idea. In listing the notables of Thatta, Sindh's premier city, the author, Mir ʻAli Shir Qaniʻ, orders them by groups, giving priority in his hierarchical arrangement to Sayyids. However, this article examines Tuhfat al-Kiram not as a transparent description of Sindh, but rather as a normative exposition of a Sayyid-led social order. It draws attention to Qaniʻs project of reconciling individual excellence with lineage in a post-Mughal context without a discerning sovereign to uphold a meritorious order. By exploring Qaniʻs silences, particularly on Hindus and women, this article investigates the anxieties that run through this text about the threat to the old Persianate elite of Thatta. This threat spurred Qaniʻ to reimagine a social order in Sindh where claims of descent served to close off mobility in an otherwise meritocratic Persianate society. Sayyid priority in eighteenth-century Sindh was not an established fact, but a newly-fashioned claim, which remained contested and contradictory, even within Tuhfat al-Kiram.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 2020

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Footnotes

I would like to thank Julien Levesque and Laurence Gautier for their invaluable comments on this article.

References

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23 C. A. Bayly has noted the parallel rise of the Muslim gentry, including Sayyids, in eighteenth-century north India. Bayly, Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars, pp. 230–238.

24 Kia, M., ‘Space, Sociality, and Sources of Pleasure: A Response to Sanjay Subrahmanyam’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient LXI (2018), p. 266Google Scholar.

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26 Mana Kia, ‘Contours of Persianate Community, 1722–1835’ (unpublished PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 2011), pp. 256–309.

27 See ‘Maqalat al-Shuʽara’, British Library APAC Add. 21589; ‘Miʻyar-i Salikan-i Tariqat’, British Library APAC Add. 21589.

28 Qaniʻ, ‘Tuhfat al-Kiram’, British Library APAC Add. 21589, f. 254b.

29 See Paul, J., ‘The Histories of Herat’, International Society for Iran Studies XXXIII (2000), pp. 93115CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Noelle-Karimi, C., The Pearl in its Midst: Herat and the Mapping of Khurasan (15th–19th centuries) (Vienna, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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31 See, for example, K. Khan, ‘Haft Gulshan-i Muhammad Shahi’, BL APAC Or. 1795; L. Ram, ‘Tuhfat al-Hind’, BL APAC Add. 6584. Audrey Truschke has also noted this trend in some seventeenth century histories, where Mughal kings were ordered within a longer line of pre-Muslim Indian kings. See Truschke, , Culture of Encounters: Sanskrit at the Mughal Court (New York, 2016), pp. 221223Google Scholar.

32 See, for example, his history of the Mughal period, where Qaniʻ lists the Mughal governors of Thatta and ignores the governors of Bhakkar in upper Sindh. Qaniʻ, ‘Tuhfat al-Kiram’, f. 281a–4a.

33 Ibid., f. 288b.

34 See Noelle-Karimi, The Pearl in its Midst.

35 Qaniʻ, ‘Tuhfat al-Kiram’, f. 309a.

36 Qaniʻ, ‘Maqalat al- Shuʽara’, f. 521b, 523b.

37 Qaniʻ, ‘Tuhfat al-Kiram’, f. 311b.

38 This claim has been disputed by many scholars, who have found reference to Thatta in historical sources as early as the thirteenth century. Chablani, S. P., ‘The Origin of Thatta’, in The Samma Kingdom of Sindh, (ed.) Lakho, G.M. (Jamshoro, 2006)Google Scholar; Rashdi, H., ‘Maklinama’, in Maklinamah, (ed.) Rashdi, H., (tr.) Shauq, N.A. (Jamshoro, 2011), pp. 122140Google Scholar.

39 Qaniʻ, ‘Tuhfat al-Kiram’, f. 312a.

40 Ibid.

41 On tabaqat literature, see Cl. Gilliot, ‘Tabakat’, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, (eds.) P. Bearman et al.; Rosenthal, Franz, A History of Muslim Historiography (Leiden, 1968)Google Scholar.

42 Mazhar-i Shahjahani, written by Yusuf Mirak (d. 1639) at Sehwan in the seventeenth century, imagined social order as having the sovereign at its apex followed by his officials and then the people of religion. This last was divided into nine groups. Sayyids were the seventh out of these nine. See Alvi, S., ‘Mazhar-i Shahjahani and the Province of Sindh under the Mughals: A Discourse on Political Ethics’, in Perspectives on Mughal India: Rulers, Historians, ʻUlamaʼ and Sufis, (ed.) Alvi, S. (Karachi, 2012), pp. 2850Google Scholar.

43Tuhfat al-kiram’, f. 312a-b.

44 See U. Rubin, ‘Nur Muhammadi’, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition.

45Tuhfat al-Kiram’, f. 2a.

46 Ibid., f. 323a.

47 Ibid., f. 323b.

48 Ibid.

49 Ibid., f. 328b.

50 Ibid., f. 330b.

51 Ibid., f. 332a–b.

52 ʻAllami, A. F., ʽAʼin-i Akbari, (ed.) Ahmed, S. (Aligarh, 2005), pp. 210246Google Scholar.

53 Ibid., p. 210.

54 Ibid.

55 This is a far cry from the realities of the early days of Akbar's rule. He started his reign under the overbearing viceregency of Bairam Khan. The early decades of his rule were also rocked by bitter factional struggles at his court. Even as Akbar amassed greater power over his subjects in later years, his authority was never unassailable. In the final years of his rule, his own son, Prince Salim, rose up in rebellion. While the rebellion was quelled, Salim had Abuʼl Fazl, the architect of the ideal expression of Akbari sovereignty, assassinated, exposing, not without a touch of irony, the gap between ideals and reality.

56Tuhfat al-Kiram’, f. 312b.

57 The significance of the occult, astrology, supernatural, and miraculous in shaping political and social life has been highlighted by other scholars, too. See Moin, A., The Millennial Sovereign: Sacred Kingship and Sainthood in Islam (New York, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

58Tuhfat al-Kiram’, f. 312b.

59 For recent ethnographies of dreaming in the Muslim world, see Mittermaier, A., Dreams that Matter: Egyptian Landscapes of the Imagination (Berkeley, 2011)Google Scholar, Taneja, A., Jinnealogy: Time, Islam, and Ecological Thought in the Medieval Ruins of Delhi (Stanford, 2018)Google Scholar.

60 Ibid.

61 Ibid.

62 Kia, ‘Space, Sociality, and Sources of Pleasure’, p. 272.

63Tuhfat al-Kiram’, f. 312b.

64 Ibid.

65 Ibid.

66 Ibid., f. 312b–3a.

67 Ibid., f. 313a.

68 Ibid., f. 314b.

69 Ibid., f. 317a–b.

70 Ibid., f. 318a.

71 For example, he describes Mir Zainuʼl-ʻabidin, a descendant of Sayyid ʻAli II, as “a man of perfection, a refuge for the greats, possessing laudable qualities. He was the head of the Sayyids in his own time and considered by many to be the seal of greatness, chief of the mighty, and having much knowledge. The text Khair al-Bashar or The Best of Humanity is known among his works. He composed masterly poetry and had the pen name Qaniʻ”. Ibid., f. 313a.

72 Ibid., f. 1b.

73 He includes his name and the names of his two sons in the biographies of the Shukrullahi Sayyids of Thatta. However, he says no more about himself there. Ibid., f. 316b. Conversely for an earlier time, in thirteenth-century Sindh, Manan Ahmed Asif has noted the importance of claiming Arab lineage as a source of prestige for writers at Nasiruddin Qabacha's court. See Asif, M. A., A Book of Conquest: The Chachnama and Muslim Origins in South Asia (Cambridge, 2016), pp. 5562CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

74 Burton, Sindh and the Races, pp. 232–233.

75 For example, Qazi Ibrahim served as judge of the army under Shahjahan; Makhdum Hamid was a local judge; Makhdum Abuʼl Khair was one of the scholars working on Aurangzeb's Fatava-yi ʽAlamgiri. Ibid., f. 324a–b, 324b, 324a.

76 For example, Mulla Shaikh Ishaq's family controlled his shrine at Makli, which was a place of pilgrimage, while Miyan Kabir Muhammad Naqshbandi's descendants continued to hold his position as Naqshbandi master. Ibid., f. 328b, 330b.

77 Muhammad Ashraf from a family of judges was a poet and calligrapher, while Makhdum Muhammad Muʻin is noted for Persian and Hindi poetry and for his knowledge of music, in addition to his scholarship in religious sciences. Ibid., f. 325a, 327b–8a.

78 Mihr, Taʼrikh-i Sind, i, pp. 127–138.

79 Alam, M. and Subrahmanyam, S., ‘Eighteenth-Century Historiography and the World of the Mughal Munshi’, in Writing the Mughal World: Studies on Culture and Politics (New York, 2012), p. 428Google Scholar.

80 Burton, R., Scinde or the Unhappy Valley (London, 1851), p. 232Google Scholar.

81 Ibid.

82 Ibid., pp. 224–233.

83 See Cook, M., Annexation and the Unhappy Valley (Leiden, 2016), pp. 2168CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

84 Markovits, Global World of Indian Merchants, pp. 11–12. On Thatta's economy under the Mughals, see Subrahmanyam, ‘The Portuguese, Thatta and the External Trade of Sind’, pp. 48–58.

85 Hamilton, A., A New Account of the East Indies (Edinburgh, 1727), i, p. 127Google Scholar.

86 Pottinger, H., Travels in Beloochistan and Sindh (London, 1816), pp. 77–8, 344, 1112Google Scholar.

87 The history of these trading communities can be found in Markovits, Global World of Indian Merchants; Levi, S., The Indian Diaspora in Central Asia and its Trade, 1550–1900 (Leiden, 2002)Google Scholar; Cook, M., ‘Getting Ahead or Keeping your Head? The “Sindhi” Migration of Eighteenth Century India’, in Interpreting the Sindhi World: Essays on Society and History, (eds.) Boivin, M. and Cook, M. (Karachi, 2010), pp. 133149Google Scholar.

88 Advani, B., Sindhu ji Hindun ji Tarikh (Hyderabad, 2006), pp. 100101Google Scholar.

89 Ibid., pp. 192–195.

90 Ibid., pp. 222–224.

91 Ibid., p. 109.

92 Ibid.

93 Ibid., p. 116.

94 Ibid., p. 109.

95Tuhfat al-Kiram’, f. 309b.

96 The increasing participation of Hindus in Persian literary culture is a broader and well-documented phenomenon across the Mughal empire. See Kinra, Writing Self, Writing Empire; Alam and Subrahmanyam, Writing the Mughal World.

97 See ʻUtarid, S., Inshaʼ-yi ʻUtarid, (ed.) Naushahi, K. (Hyderabad, 2013)Google Scholar.

98 Qaniʻ, ‘Maqalat al-Shuʽara’, f. 526b.

99 Ibid., f. 490b.

100 Ibid., f. 458a, 482b.

101Tuhfat al-Kiram’, f. 288b.

102 Their names are Asaram, Udairam, Bishan Gopal, Balchand, Thariyah Mal Baina, Tegh Mal, Munshi Chaturbhuj, Partab Rai Khushdil, Banvali Das Khushnud, Darkahi Mal, Daulat Rai, Daula Ram, Inchand Dastur, Chandar Bhan Rahib, Sri Ram, Mahtab Daula Ram Shauqi, Shaivak Ram ʻUtarid, Tik Chand Farhang, Kafir, Shaivak Ram Mukhlis, Migraj, Parsaram Mushtarab, Bhupat Rai Wahshat. ‘Maqalat al-Shuʽara’, f. 457b, 458a, 461a, 461a, 462a, 463b, 465b, 468b, 468b, 469b, 470a, 470a, 470a, 474a, 476b, 481b, 490b, 495b, 511b, 515b, 520b, 520b, 523b.

103 Scholars have pointed out resentment in north India against a new class of powerful merchants and shopkeepers that rose in eighteenth-century Delhi after the invasions of Nadir and Ahmad Shah. One has called them the umaraʼ-yi jadid, and noted their participation in Urdu literary culture. See Syed, M. A., ‘How Could Urdu Be The Envy of Persian (Rashk-i-Farsi)! The Role of Persian in South Asian Culture and Literature’, in Literacy in the Persianate World: Writing and the Social Order, (eds.) Spooner, B. and Hanaway, W. (Philadelphia, 2012), pp. 298299Google Scholar.

104Tuhfat al-Kiram’, f. 303a.

105 Bakhtavar Khan, ‘Mirʼat al-ʽAlam’, BL APAC Add. 7657, f. 109b–111a.

106 On Javahir al-ʻAjaʼib, see Szuppe, Maria, ‘The Female Intellectual Milieu in Timurid and Post-Timurid Herat: Faxri Heravi's Biography of Poetesses, “Javaher al-Ajayeb”’, Oriente Moderno XV (1996), pp. 119137CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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108 See Latif, S. A., Risalo, (ed.) Shackle, C. (Cambridge, 2018)Google Scholar; Schimmel, A., Pain and Grace: A Study of Two Mystical Writers of Eighteenth-Century Muslim India (Leiden, 1976)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

109 These were the shrines of Bibi Tari, Bibi Fatima, the Abdali sisters, Bibi Rani, the seven sisters. M. Aʻzam, Tuhfat al-Tahirin, pp. 48, 91, 138, 140, 175.

110 Qaniʻ, Maklinamah, pp. 69, 54–56.

111 Faridi, N. A., Sindh ke Talpur Hukumaran (Multan, 1984), p. 58Google Scholar.

112 Ibid., p. 69.

113 Tuhfat al-Kiram was used as an important source for Shaikh Muhammad Aʻzam Thattavi's Tuhfat al-Tahirin (1780), a text on Sufi sites of pilgrimage in Thatta, and Hiʼat al-ʽAlam (1793–94), a world geography. See Azam, Tuhfat al-Tahirin. Aʻzam, ‘Hiʼat al-ʽAlam’, undated, Sindhi Adabi Board MS-38.

114 The Talpurs commissioned an illuminated manuscript of Tuhfat al-Kiram between 1829–32. The Sindh Archives also contains a Tuhfat manuscript whose scribe is a Hindu from Hyderabad by the name Monumal, son of Kandinamal. See Qaniʻ, ‘Tuhfat al-Kiram’, 1829–32, British Library APAC Add. 21589; ‘Tuhfat al-Kiram’, 1808, Sindh Archives MS367/348.