En este escrito se presentan algunos aspectos relacionados con la tierra en Canas y Canchis, dos provincias del sur del Perú, y se discuten algunos aspectos conectados con el desarrollo de la comunidad cuando esto se entiende como política encaminada a elevar los niveles de vida y de ingresos de las comunidades indígenas.

Es un análisis preliminar, logrado a partir de datos recientes obtenidos por procesos de foto-identificación llevados a cabo en la zona, y la utilización de factores inclinados, a propósito, en favor de los campesinos, con el objecto de discutir algunas ideas y opiniones muy frecuentes en cuanto a los objetivos y metas de los programas de desarrollo de la comunidad en áreas rurales.

In the literature of development, it is recognized that the possibilities for national economic growth are strongly conditioned by prevailing institutional patterns. Exogenous factors, such as international market trends, the supply of foreign investment funds, and terms of trade, define outer constraints on the growth of many less developed countries; but within these boundaries, the realizable growth depends on endogenously set parameters that influence public policy alternatives, the level and direction of domestic capital formation, and the scope and rapidity of structural economic changes. It is in this latter area that the study of institutional performance becomes relevant.

To date, the focus of institutional analysis has been on a variety of social organizations that influence the economic process at one point or another, e.g., trade unions, political parties, financial intermediaries, land tenure systems, and government agencies.

While Peru's economic development is highly influenced by its resource endowment and the price structure of its exports, the style of industrialization will be determined in large part by the type and amount of social mobility its class structure permits. Although similar ethnically to Guatemala and Bolivia, Peru so far has managed to forestall a basic social revolution and has developed under one of the most private “free enterprise” regimes in Latin America. It should therefore be interesting to examine the type of class structure and social mobility that underlies this stage of development.

In terms of a model of the process of industrialization, I shall emphasize the distinctive features of the transitional stage. It seems that a folk-urban, traditional-modern dichotomy—or even a transitional type that is merely halfway between these extremes—is not adequate.

In Peru, as in most Latin American republics, managerial manpower development is gaining increased recognition as a major force in the modernization process. The explosive contemporary evolution of management education with new programs developing in every conceivable form and institution in Peru strongly evidences the North American concept of specialized higher education for administration, as well as its theory and curriculum. However, Peru's development of effective managerial resources is directly related to its unique social economic system within which they function. What may be sound and efficient management practice in the United States may be largely ineffective when taught within the widely different cultural and economic environment of Peru. In fact, the North American concept of managerial efficiency must be redefined in relation to the Peruvian value system and environmental constraints within which it must operate.

Al igual que otros países, Venezuela se enfrenta a una demanda creciente de servicios educacionales en todos los niveles, pero cuenta con recursos limitados para satisfacerla. El presente artículo pretende estudiar la promoción de la educación a fin de explorar las posibilidades de utilizar una metodología sistemática y objetiva para evaluar estas inversiones en los países en desarrollo. La evaluación económica de todo proyecto requiere la consideración de tres aspectos básicos: (1) si se obtienen los objetivos inmediatos al menor costo posible, (2) si existe suficiente demanda para el servicio a ofrecer y (3) si los beneficios netos, tanto individuales como sociales, son adecuados a la luz de otras posibilidades de inversión en el país.

The greatest change in the Latin American labor picture during the 1960s has been the emergence and growth of the Latin American Confederation of Christian Trade Unionists (Confederación Latino Americana de Sindicatos Cristianos—CLASC). The outcome of the struggle between the Organización Regional Interamericana de Trabajadores (ORIT), the older, AFL-CIO influenced movement in Latin America, and the CLASC for the leadership of the non-Communist sector of Latin American labor remains in question, but the result, even if a situation of peaceful coexistence develops, will have a significant impact on the political, social, and economic evolution of Latin America. This study attempts to sketch the unique ideological base on which the CLASC is founded, to outline its method of operation, and to explain the nature of its competition with the ORIT.

El movimiento de la juventud estudiantil, que alrededor de 1920 apareció en la mayoría de los países latinoamericanos, se presentó bajo distintas formas en cada uno de ellos. Esta nueva generación persiguió no sólo la reforma de la Universidad. Se trató más bien de una actitud que, desdeñado las viejas estructuras sociales, luchó por otras nuevas. La juventud planteó una renovación de América Latina. Esta actitud tomó forma y contenido determinado en Chile.

The Brazilian government's National Steel Mill at Volta Redonda is considered by many to be a hallmark in the development of Brazilian industry and the symbol of a future Brazil. It represents to them a turning away from the old monoproductive agricultural pattern, with its inherent weaknesses, and an acceptance of industry with its promise of a fuller, more secure national existence. The Brazilians are proud of this iron and steel mill. Not only is it the largest such mill in Brazil, it is also the largest in all Latin America. To many it is an important step in the road toward a stronger world position. This is an important point in a continent often overlooked and taken for granted by the leading world powers.

Valparaíso's first modern water-supply system was constructed by William Wheelwright in 1851. When he arrived at the port to settle in 1829, it was “entirely destitute of pure water, and this want seriously affected trade and industry not less than the health of the population.” Following a series of editorials on the poor system of water supply, the municipality passed a corrective law in July of 1829. Certain quebradas (ravines) in the hills overlooking the municipality were made fit to serve as reservoirs. People residing in the vicinity of the quebradas were enjoined against taking water out of the quebradas. Nor were they permitted to water horses or wash clothes. The law did not prove to be a panacea. Valparaíso continued to be without an adequte water supply.