Wayang wong panggung is a Javanese dance drama performed in a theater with a proscenium stage, accompanied by traditional Javanese “orchestra” called gamelan. Characteristic of this dance theater is the minimal specific preparation made for each of the nightly performances. The music is not composed specifically for this theatrical form nor for any specific story performed in this medium. It is spontaneously chosen from a pool of musical compositions which experts consider appropriate for this theater. The choice of composition and its “treatment” (i.e. which, where, when and how the tempo, dynamics, arrangement, tuning system, etc. are chosen and changed) is executed instantaneously. The dance movements are not specifically choreographed for a given performance; rather, they are drawn from a well-established pool of movement motifs and phrases. The monologs and dialogs are improvised, following a set format, using vocabulary suitable to the character represented, the relationship between this character and the character with whom he is communicating, the situation at hand, the story, etc.

In many parts of Polynesia dance is well known as a highly structured activity with precise choreography and meticulous movements, performed by large (or small) groups with precision timing—characterized by Captain Cook in Tonga as follows: “All their motions were performed with such justness that the whole party moved and acted as one man” (Beaglehole 1967: 109). On the other hand, Polynesian dancers are also well known for their ability to perform spontaneously in dances “improvised” for the occasion, such as at a Hawaiian lū'au or in a Samoan siva. This paper will attempt to separate these two activities by cultural categories in order to understand more fully the cultural implications of improvisation in Polynesian dance. Dance in Hawai'i and Tonga will be emphasized; they constitute the geographical focusses of the author's research.2 However, at least some of the concepts developed should have general applicability throughout Polynesia.

The discussion arises from the intent to consider improvisation in the wider context of the several performing arts and in a multicultural framework. Although it focusses upon one musical tradition, implicit is the understanding that the framework assumes the broader context.

Every now and then it becomes fashionable to study the processes involved in improvisation or extemporization. Any renewed interest in improvisation, for whatever reason, is usually accompanied by a renewed interest in jazz, for it is within the jazz tradition that improvisation is generally presumed to be most manifest in Western culture.

Improvisation is an essential aspect of Indian music and Indian culture. It is evident not only in music but in the other arts, literature, and in the folk tradition. Improvisation is a continuous process that has flourished from the past to the present in India.

Javanese compositional process can be seen essentially as an act of creative recombination—of variation on extant musical pieces. At an extremely general level one could say this of any musical tradition around the world. In Java this description holds true to a rather specific level, as shall be demonstrated below with specific examples. The nature of Javanese compositional process may be brought into clear relief by considering first some of the musical conventions of Western tradition. Awareness of our own musical assumptions will sharpen our perception of features of another musical tradition.

This paper explores the differences between two social organizations of the West Indian island of St. Lucia. The rivalry between the La Rose and La Marguerite societies, exemplified in the adoption of contrasting strategies in performance, forms of communication, and sets of values, is examined in relation to the profound influences of written and oral traditions on people's consciousness (see Finnegan 1977; Havelock 1963, 1982; McLuhan 1962, 1964; Ong 1976, 1977, 1982; and Tedlock 1983). This paradigm informs the meaning of the activities of the two organizations insofar as it brings forth other discrepancies which are related to but transcend the phenomena of orality and literacy: it leads to the discussion of social and economic classes, and what St. Lucians themselves conceive and perceive as their correlating behaviors and attitudes, mores and ideals. It serves as a vantage point from which to survey the network of associations formulated by St. Lucians to make sense of their world as they relate to the past and imagine the future.