The countries with underdeveloped economies are primarily peasant countries and their national unity is quite new and fragmentary. The uneducated classes are rooted mainly in local territorial and kinship groups; sometimes they are the dependents of feudal magnates to whom are directed whatever wider loyalties they have. They do not have the strong sense of nationality which drives the leaders of their country, who are often the creators of the new nation and not merely of the new state. These leaders are strong and creative persons who have broken away from the bonds of the old order—the bonds of kin and family and local territory.

THE importance of nuclear deterrence in the modern world does not require exposition. It became an issue of extended public discussion after the speech on massive retaliation by Secretary of State Dulles, who in the opinion of this writer came closer to an adequate theory of deterrence than most of his critics. This article will develop the view that the threat of counterattack is the best strategy against the possibility of aggression and that a nuclear counterattack is the most effective version of that strategy.

Can the paths of African nationalism be shaped by white communities? And, if so, in what direction might African nationalism be led? These are questions which puzzle white governments in all parts of Africa. Though African nationalism may be recognized as having its own inner dynamics, and to be an inevitable growth, no matter how hostile the Western powers and white settlers may be to it, yet tJiere is an assumption underlying the policies of most governments in Africa that the particular paths which African nationalism will follow can be shaped by the kinds of alternatives which the white communities offer to it.

Theoretically and etymologically, “communism” means “from each according to his abilities and to each according to his needs.” Marxian literature looks to a future society in which, influenced by the appropriate economic, political, and social institutions, the individual will conform to this precept in his production and consumption activities. As Communist parties have striven for and achieved political power in the twentieth century, their tactical maneuvers at what presumably are way-stations along the road to pure communism have overlaid the term “communism” with a bewildering array of political and economic dogmas and practices.

Every profession is occasionally inflicted with challenges which loom large. The challenge may take the form of a book which purports to produce a fundamental revision—in economics these would include Keynes' General Theory, Hicks's Value and Capital, Samuelson's Foundations; or, in the narrower field of international economics, Meade's Trade and Welfare. Or it may be a methodological revolution. Or both. Older members of the profession may try to ignore the challenge. And some of these challenges, ignored, oblige by disappearing. Others have to be faced, sooner or later.

Bertrand de Jouvenel is one of a very small group of writers in our own time who make a serious effort to develop political theory in the grand style. In the English-speaking world, where so many of the interesting political problems have been solved (at least superficially), political theory is dead. In the Communist countries it is imprisoned. Elsewhere it is moribund. In the West, this is the age of textual criticism and historical analysis, when the student of political theory makes his way by rediscovering some deservedly obscure text or reinterpreting a familiar one. Political theory (like literary criticism) is reduced to living off capital—other people's capital at that.

Among the more significant international phenomena of the past generation has been the expanding role of administration in the proliferating intergovernmental agencies. The dimensions of international administration have increased in at least four ways: (1) in the number and variety of institutions at both the global and the regional level; (2) in the functional reaches of their operations—from strictly centralized and transnational to territorially deconcentrated and subnational activities (as, for example, in the UN technical assistance program, Unesco, NATO, and the European Coal and Steel Community)