Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-jr42d Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-19T14:55:17.444Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Tontines, annuities and civic improvements in Georgian Britain

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 February 2019

DAVID R. GREEN*
Affiliation:
Department of Geography, King's College London, Bush House (North East Wing), 40 Aldwych, London WC2B 4BG
*
*Corresponding author. Email: david.r.green@kcl.ac.uk

Abstract:

Civic improvement in Georgian Britain required significant amounts of capital. Tontines were an important means of financing projects. This article provides new evidence based largely on local newspapers that demonstrates their local and national importance for mutual assurance and building. Shifts in profitability depended on the price of Consols and this explains why building tontines increased in importance. Tontines were used to fund new leisure spaces, workhouses, prisons, bridges, streets and other improvements. Their popularity waned in the later nineteenth century but until then they were an important means of funding civic improvements.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2019 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Globe, 13 Sep. 1811.

2 For an overview, see Eastwood, D., Government and Community in the English Provinces, 1700–1870 (Houndmills, 1997), 6473CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 See Jones, E.L. and Falkus, M.E., ‘Urban improvement and the English economy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries’, in Borsay, P. (ed.), The Eighteenth Century Town: A Reader in English Urban History 1688–1820 (London, 1990), 116–58Google Scholar.

4 See Harvey, D., The Urbanization of Capital (Oxford, 1985), 125Google Scholar, for fuller discussion of this issue.

5 See Harris, R. and McKean, C., The Scottish Town in the Age of Enlightenment, 1740–1820 (Edinburgh, 2014), 122–3Google Scholar.

6 See Langford, P., Public Life and the Propertied Englishman 1679–1798 (Oxford, 1994), 218–28, 249–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Estimates of the number of country banks suggest that there were around a dozen in 1750, rising to over 300 by 1800. However, most were small with capital of no more than £10,000, and as such were of limited use in helping to finance building projects requiring larger amounts of money. See Cameron, R., Banking in the Early Stages of Industrialization (Oxford, 1967)Google Scholar, cited in ch. 2, ‘The financial revolution’, in Temin, P. and Voth, H.-J., Prometheus Shackled: Goldsmith Banks and England's Financial Revolution after 1700 (Oxford, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Presnell, L., Country Banking in the Industrial Revolution (Oxford, 1956)Google Scholar, cited in ch. 2, ‘The financial revolution’, in Temin and Voth, Prometheus Shackled.

8 See Lange, A., List, J. and Price, M., Using Tontines to Finance Public Goods: Back to the Future, NBER Working Paper 10958, 2004, 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 See, for example, Borsay (ed.), The Eighteenth-Century Town; Clark, P. (ed.), Cambridge Urban History of Britain, vol. II: 1540–1840 (Cambridge, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Corfield, P., The Impact of English Towns 1700–1800 (Oxford, 1982)Google Scholar; Ellis, J., The Georgian Town 1680–1840 (Houndmills, 2001)Google Scholar; Sweet, R., The English Town, 1680–1840: Government, Society and Culture (London, 1999)Google Scholar.

10 See Sweet, The English Town, 105–9.

11 See Chalklin, C.W., The Provincial Towns of Georgian England (London, 1974)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘Capital expenditure on building for cultural purposes in provincial England, 1730–1830’, Business History, 22 (1980), 51–70; idem, ‘The financing of church building in the provincial towns of eighteenth-century England’, in Clark, P. (ed.), The Transformation of English Provincial Towns 1600–1800 (London, 1984), 284310Google Scholar. See also E.J. Dawson, ‘Finance and the unreformed borough: a critical appraisal of corporate finance 1660–1835 with special reference to the boroughs of Nottingham, York and Boston’, unpublished University of Hull Ph.D. thesis, 1978. Scholars interested in life assurance have recognized the significance of tontine schemes in this period but also failed to appreciate how they were used to fund urban growth. See Clark, G., Betting on Lives (Manchester, 1999)Google Scholar; idem, ‘Life insurance in the society and culture of London, 1700–75’, Journal of Urban History, 24 (1997), 17–36.

12 Grady, K., The Georgian Public Buildings of Leeds and the West Riding (Leeds, 1989), 64Google Scholar.

13 Harris and McKean, The Scottish Town in the Age of Enlightenment, 120–7, 168–71.

14 Sheffield Register, Yorkshire, Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire Universal Advertiser, 30 Apr., 23 Jul. 1790.

15 For a discussion of the two kinds of schemes, see Milevsky, M., King William's Tontine (Cambridge, 2015), 32–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 See Appendix 1 for a full description of this source.

17 Eastwood, Government and Community, 73–4.

18 Ibid., 74.

19 Cheltenham Chronicle, 13 Jan. 1814.

20 Stamford Mercury, 21 Apr. 1815.

21 Morning Chronicle, 6 Jan. 1821; Morning Post, 16 Jan. 1821; Manchester Courier and Lancashire General Advertiser, 30 Jul. 1836.

22 It is likely, for example, that several of the subscription schemes described in Grady, Georgian Public Buildings, were tontines, although not specifically identified as such. I am grateful to Tim Hitchcock for pointing me to this reference.

23 See Appendix 1 for a full listing.

24 Stamford Mercury, 11 May, 22 Jun. 1792.

25 See Appendix 1 for further discussion of these points.

26 For the history of life insurance from 1800 to 1914, see Alborn, T., Regulated Lives: Life Insurance and British Society, 1800–1914 (Toronto, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the period 1695–1775, see Clark, Betting on Lives. The differences between tontines and life insurance is explained in Milevsky, King William's Tontine, 32–6.

27 See Clark, Betting on Lives; Alborn, T., ‘A license to bet: life insurance and the Gambling Act in the British courts’, Connecticut Insurance Law Journal, 1 (2007), 23Google Scholar.

28 For a full discussion of these kinds of life insurance, see Clark, Betting on Lives.

29 Hampshire Chronicle, 9 Jan. 1792.

30 Hampshire Chronicle, 29 Dec. 1788.

31 For a discussion of friendly societies, see Gosden, P.H., The Friendly Societies in England 1815–1875 (Manchester, 1961)Google Scholar.

32 Green, D.R. and Owens, A., ‘Gentlewomanly capitalism? Spinsters, widows, and wealth holding in England’, Economic History Review, 56 (2003), 510–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a discussion of Consol holdings.

33 Cumberland Pacquet and Ware's Whitehaven Advertiser, 6 Oct. 1790.

34 Glasgow Herald, 27 Dec. 1860; www.ancestry.co.uk/mediaui-viewer/tree/77249725/person/40370898255/media/cfb38120–96f0–49dc-9945–66b97a93e8e8. Shares in the building were probably purchased in her name by William Douglas, probably her grandfather, when it was opened in 1781 since she was a young child at the time. Information from the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

35 Parliamentary Papers (PP), Report from the Select Committee on Metropolitan Bridges; together with the Proceedings of the Committee, Minutes of Evidence, Appendix and Index, 1854, XIV, 126–7.

36 Morning Chronicle, 28 Mar. 1817.

37 During the eighteenth century, tontines were floated in the Netherlands (1670) France (1689), Denmark, Great Britain (1693) the United States (1790) and various German states. The first national public tontine in France was offered in 1689 and the last in Britain in 1789. See Milevsky, King William's Tontine, 95–113; Weir, D., ‘Tontines, public finance and revolution in France and England, 1688–1789’, Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), 95124CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McKeever, K., ‘A short history of tontines’, Fordham Journal of Corporate & Financial Law, 15 (2009), 491521Google Scholar, lists the many purposes to which they were put. For a comparison of the early state tontines, lotteries and annuities market, see Dale, R., The First Crash: Lessons from the South Sea Bubble (Princeton, 2004), 2239Google Scholar.

38 Weir, ‘Tontines, public finance and revolution’, 107.

39 Compton, C., A Treatise on Tontine in which the Evils of the Old System are Exhibited . . . (London, 1833), 11Google Scholar; Milevsky, King William's Tontine, 110.

40 Cheltenham Chronicle, 5 Aug. 1819.

41 See Appendix 1 for a listing of tontines.

42 Derby Mercury, 8 Apr. 1790.

43 Sheffield Register, Yorkshire, Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire Universal Advertiser, 30 Apr., 23 Jul. 1790.

44 Tontines were used in rare instances for other purposes. See Leamington Spa Courier, 21 Feb. 1829, for an instance where a tontine was used to finance a group portrait painting.

45 Information was missing for one tontine.

46 Sherborne Mercury, 16 Oct. 1797.

47 Salisbury and Winchester Journal, 9 Dec. 1799.

48 Gloucester Journal, 25 Mar. 1793. See also, for example, Newcastle Courant, 5 Jan. 1793; Chester Chronicle, 11 Jan. 1793; Northampton Mercury, 12 Jan. 1793; Oxford Journal, 9 Feb. 1793; Manchester Mercury, 7 May 1793.

49 Stamford Mercury, 5 Apr. 1793. Silberling's figures show a fall from £90.04 in 1792 to £75.70 in 1793. See Silberling, N.J., ‘British financial experience 1790–1830’, Review of Economics and Statistics, 1 (1919), 289Google Scholar.

50 Manchester Mercury, 1 May 1793; Stamford Mercury, 17 May 1793.

51 See Chester Chronicle, 11 Dec. 1795; Ipswich Journal, 30 Jan. 1796; Chester Courant, 18 Oct., 27 Dec. 1796, 14 Feb., 28 Mar., 8, 22 Aug. 1797.

52 Caledonian Mercury, 31 Dec. 1798, 13 Jul. 1799.

53 Anon., Tontines Calculated, and their Principles and Consequences Explained (London, 1791), 7Google Scholar.

54 Ibid., 2.

55 Price, Richard, Observations on Reversionary Payments; on Schemes for Providing Annuities for Widows, and for Persons in Old Age (London, 1792), xxxv–xxxviiiGoogle Scholar.

56 See, for example, Koops, Mathias, Thoughts on a Sure Method of Annually Reducing the National Debt of Great-Britain, without Imposing Additional Burdens upon the People (London, 1796), 1315Google Scholar; Fry, Thomas, A New System of Finance: Proving the Defects of the Present System (London, 1795), 86–8Google Scholar; Sabatier, William, A Treatise on Poverty, its Consequences, and the Remedy (London, 1797), 30Google Scholar.

57 Ipswich Journal, 17 Nov. 1798.

58 Stamford Mercury, 16 Sep. 1796.

59 In 1790, the price of Consols was £76.89 but in 1795 it had fallen to £66.37. See Silberling, ‘British financial experience 1790–1830’, 289.

60 Bath Chronicle and Weekly Gazette, 24 Sep. 1795; Ipswich Journal, 12 Sep. 1795; Reading Mercury, 14 Sep. 1795; Leeds Intelligencer, 14 Sep. 1795; Chester Courant, 15 Sep. 1795.

61 Ipswich Journal, 21 Nov. 1795.

62 Hereford Journal, 14 Sep. 1796.

63 Manchester Mercury, 15 Jan. 1799; Salisbury and Winchester Journal, 21 Oct. 1799.

64 See Gloucester Journal, 4 Feb. 1799; Sherborne Mercury, 6 Jan. 1800; Manchester Mercury, 4 Feb. 1800; Caledonian Mercury, 29 Mar. 1800.

65 Public Ledger and Daily Advertiser, 6 Apr. 1807.

66 Cheltenham Chronicle, 6 Apr. 1815.

67 See Jones and Falkus, ‘Urban improvement and the English economy’.

68 London Borough of Richmond Archives, Richmond Bridge Tontine 1776, List of Subscribers and their Nominees to the Richmond Bridge Tontine; London Metropolitan Archives, Middlesex House of Correction, tontine registers 1790, 1792 and 1795 (MF/T/01/001; MF/T/01/002; MF/T/01/003).

69 London Metropolitan Archives, LMA/ACC/38/1. Plan of a tontine on Kew Bridge.

70 Grady, Georgian Public Buildings, 75.

71 See Temin and Voth, Prometheus Shackled, 30, 83–7.

72 Chalklin, ‘Capital expenditure’, 62.

73 Grady, Georgian Public Buildings, 68–9.

74 Cleland, J., Annals of Glasgow, vol. I (Glasgow, 1816), 74–5, 80–1Google Scholar.

75 Hampshire Chronicle, 12 Dec. 1774.

76 Bath Chronicle and Weekly Gazette, 4 Feb. 1779.

77 Hull Advertiser and Exchange, 13, 27 Sep. 1794; Caledonian Mercury, 9 Jul. 1796; Manchester Mercury, 1 Nov. 1796.

78 Manchester Mercury, 17 Oct. 1797.

79 Morning Chronicle, 18 Mar. 1825.

80 See London Borough of Richmond, Richmond Archives, Richmond Bridge Commissioners, minute book, 1773–1886.

81 House of Commons Journal, vol. 72 (1817), 75; ibid., vol. 73 (1818), 57, 62. See also Bainbridge, J., A Plan for the Disposal of Thirty Thousand Pounds, Secured by Way of Mortgage. . .upon the Tolls Arising from the Cast Iron Bridge and Ferry Boats, across the River Wear, near Sunderland . . . by Way of Tontine, etc. (Newcastle, 1809)Google Scholar; York Herald, 20 May 1809; Brockie, W., ‘Wearmouth bridge lottery’, Monthly Chronicle of North-Country Lore and Legend, 3 (1889), 254–5Google Scholar. Retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/3717006?accountid=11862.

82 Morning Chronicle 28 Mar. 1817. The appeal for government support by the canal promoters suggests that their efforts at raising private funding were unsuccessful. See Webster, I., ‘The Public Works Loan Board and the growth of the state in nineteenth-century England’, Economic History Review, 71 (2018), 890CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

83 Eastwood, Government and Community, 66; Innes, J., ‘The local acts of a national parliament: parliament's role in sanctioning local action in eighteenth-century Britain’, Parliamentary History, 17 (1998), 2347CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Innes, J. and Rogers, N., ‘Politics and government 1700–1840’, in Clark (ed.), Cambridge Urban History of Britain, vol. II, 529–74Google Scholar. The subcategory ‘local’ was invented only in the 1790s: up to that point ‘local’ acts were mainly private bills passed as public acts. Not all local acts related to improvement schemes.

84 See Langford, Public Life, 218–20.

85 15 Geo III c. 54; 17 Geo III c. 64

86 Westminster City Archives, T/IV/40 St Marylebone Vestry Bonds.

87 Geo III c. 67 and Geo III c. 64.

88 Dawson, ‘Finance and the unreformed borough, 251–2.

89 For a fuller discussion of local government debt, see ibid., 250–347.

90 Langford, Public Life, 218–19.

91 Sweet, The English Town, 105–8.

92 See Dawson, ‘Finance and the unreformed borough’, 51–81.

93 For broader histories of taxation, see Daunton, M.J., Trusting Leviathan: The Politics of Taxation in Britain 1799–1914 (Cambridge, 2001)Google Scholar.

94 Dawson, ‘Finance and the unreformed borough’, 336–40.

95 Ibid., 346; Boston Guardian, 10 Dec. 1904.

96 Opposition to the payment of market tolls and other charges was common in the early 1800s. See Dawson, ‘Finance and the unreformed borough’, 383–99. Paying for the parish church through the rates was also a common source of complaint from dissenting ratepayers. Long-term parochial debt in the 1820s was linked to inefficiency and corruption by select vestries. See Morning Post, 11 Apr. 1828; Chalklin, ‘The financing of church building’; Green, D.R., Pauper Capital: London and the Poor Law, 1790–1870 (Farnham, 2010), 8991Google Scholar.

97 For the ownership of real estate, see Green, D.R. and Owens, A., ‘Geographies of wealth: real estate and personal property ownership in England and Wales, 1870–1902’, Economic History Review, 66 (2013), 848–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

98 Clark, Betting on Lives, 156.

99 Grady, Georgian Public Buildings, 69. In the West Riding of Yorkshire, a back to back house at this time would have cost around £50 and therefore subscribing this amount represented a very significant investment.

100 Ibid., 159, 161–3.

101 In Glasgow, the father's occupation was used where information for sons and daughters was missing.

102 Grady, Georgian Public Buildings, 69.

103 The question of trust is dealt with in Pearson, R., ‘Moral hazard and the assessment of insurance risk in eighteenth- and early-nineteenth century Britain’, Business History Review, 76 (2002), 135CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

104 Grady, Georgian Public Buildings, 70.

105 Westminster City Archives, St Martin in the Fields, vestry records, annuitants 1785–1815, F4524.

106 For the 1808 Life Annuity Act, see Rothschild, C., ‘Adverse selection in annuity markets: evidence from the British Life Annuity Act of 1808’, Journal of Public Economics, 93 (2009), 776–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Under this act, annuities were repaid under very similar terms to tontines. For the decline of tontines as a form of mutual life assurance, see Alborn, T., ‘The first fund managers: life insurance bonuses in Victorian Britain’, Victorian Studies, 45 (2002), 6592CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

107 Pearson, R., ‘Thrift or dissipation? The business of life assurance in the early nineteenth century’, Economic History Review, 43 (1990), 242CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

108 Alborn, ‘The first fund managers’, 67.

109 Ibid., 72.

110 Ibid., 70–1.

111 Pearson, ‘Thrift or dissipation’, 250.

112 Ryan, R., ‘The early history of the Norwich Union Life Insurance Society, 1808–37’, Business History, 28 (1985), 166–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

113 McKeever, ‘A short history of tontines’, 495.

114 Norfolk Chronicle, 25 Jan. 1794, 16 Jan. 1796.

115 Bridges, G. and Thomas, S., ‘A tontine, a theatre and its thespians: the Swansea Theatre, 1805–1899’, Gower, 45 (1994), 45Google Scholar.

116 Compton, Treatise on Tontine, 10.

117 Commission of Inquiry into Charities in England and Wales: Thirty-Second Report, Part VI (City of London; General Charities, Essex); 32 – Part VI. Report of the Commissioners Appointed in Pursuance of an Act of Parliament Made and Passed in the 5th and 6th Years of King William the 4th, c. 71, Intituled, ‘An Act for Appointing Commissioners to Continue the Inquiries concerning Charities in England and Wales, until the First Day of March One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-Seven’, 1840, Command Papers 219, 827. See Hendriks, F., ‘Contributions to the history of insurance and the theory of life contingencies’, The Assurance Magazine and the Journal of the Institute of Actuaries, 3 (1853), 116Google Scholar.

118 For a discussion of this, see Turnbull, C., A History of British Actuarial Thought (London, 2017), 3780CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

119 Scratchley, A., Industrial Investment and Emigration: Being a Treatise on Benefit Building Societies, and on the General Principles of Associations for Land Investment and Colonization (London, 1851), 177Google Scholar.

120 An even more extreme criticism was that tontine schemes created an incitement to murder, thereby providing the plot for several nineteenth-century thrillers – including The Wrong Box, a second-rate novel co-written by Robert Louis Stevenson – though there was no evidence that this situation ever arose.

121 Webster, ‘The Public Works Loan Board’, 892, 896.

122 Ibid., 897–9.

123 See Prest, J., Liberty and Locality: Parliament, Permissive Legislation and Ratepayer Democracies in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford, 1990), 911CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

124 See McKeever, ‘A short history of tontines’.

125 E. Chancellor, Spectator, 24 Mar. 2001, 14; Margate Royal Crescent Tontine Company, Ltd (1860).

126 The London Journal, and Weekly Record of Literature, Science, and Art, 28 Nov. 1863; The Observer, 1 Oct. 1871.

127 PP, Second Report of the Commissioners Appointed to Inquire into Friendly and Benefit Building Societies. Part I. Report of the Commissioners on Benefit Building Societies. With Reports of Assistant Commissioners, 1872, XXVI, q. 2409.

128 Buckley, A.D., ‘“On the club”: friendly societies in Ireland’, Irish Economic and Social History, 14 (1987), 49CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Dudley, R., ‘The rise of the annuity company in Dublin 1700–1800’, Irish Economic and Social History, 29 (2002), 122CrossRefGoogle Scholar.