1 The author is grateful to Dr R. H. Trainor for comments
on an early draft of this article.
Daedalus, c (1971),
3 Morris, R.
J., The Making of the
British Middle Class 1815–70 (ESRC Report
no. G00/24/0007, 1982);
H., ‘Authority and social
structure in an industrialized area: a study of
three Black Country towns 1840–90’ (D.Phil,
thesis, University of
1981); Koditschek, T.
S., ‘Class formation and the
Bradford bourgeoisie’ (Ph.D. thesis,
1981); Davidoff, L.
and Hall, C.,
‘The architecture of public and private life,
English middle class society in a provincial town
1780–1850’, in Fraser, D.
and Sutcliffe, A.
(eds), The Pursuit of Urban
4 This preoccupation contributed to the introduction of
the national population census, and statistical
surveys arising out of such problem issues as the
Poor Law or sanitation provision.
5 One of the reasons underpinning the development of
regular listings of voters or local ratepayers.
6 There is also a computerized sample of the 1851 census
– see Anderson, M.,
‘The national sample from the 1851
Census of Great Britain, sample and data handling
procedures’, Urban History
A., The Census Enumerators'
Books; a commentary', in Lawton, R.
(ed.), The Census and Social
J., ‘In search
of the urban middle class: record linkage and
methodology, Leeds 1832’,
Urban History Yearbook
8 Problems associated with computer technology are being
eroded on several fronts. Recently several
organizations have developed with an emphasis on
computer applications in the field (such as the
Association for History and Computing). There are
increasing numbers of history departments in higher
education with active computerization projects
(notably the DISH Project at Glasgow University, and
the Computers in Teaching Project at Edinburgh).
Also many forms of historical computing will be
assisted by future advances in the technology of
data entry (through optical character readers, for
‘The structure, values and influence of the
Scottish urban middle class: Glasgow 1800 to 1870’
(Ph.D. thesis, University of
10 The term ‘middle class’, as used in this study, refers
broadly to those who were neither manual workers
(except where employers), nor aristocrats and landed
gentry. See J. Raynor, The Middle
Class (1969) for a discussion of
H. and Mills, C.
W. (eds), From Max
Weber – Essays in Sociology
12 In a study of the nineteenth-century urban middle
classes, 1861 is possibly the best year for sources.
By 1871, following the Reform Act of 1867, the
character of the Electoral List had changed
completely. Urban groups within Scotland are
especially well served by the data of 1861. Due to a
concern with overcrowding in Scottish cities the
Census included information on the number of rooms
inhabited by each household. The reform of Scottish
urban rating in 1854 had resulted in accurate and
regular ratepayers' lists by 1861. There was also
the listing of Scottish Confirmation Inventories
(detailed lists of movable wealth at death) which by
the middle of the century had acquired a regular and
S., ‘Sampling in historical
research’, in Wrigley, E.
A. (ed.), Nineteenth
century society: essays in the use of quantitative
methods for the study of social data
14 The Poll Book for 1832 is used in Morris,
Making of the British Middle
15 Neither, it would seem, were they specified in other
areas. See Corfield, P.
directions to the town: the early town
History Yearbook (1984),
Also London Post Office Directories
1846, PP 1846 (586) XLVL 173.
16 The sources used were: The Glasgow Voters
Manual; being a list of all those entitled to vote
for members for the first reformed parliament,
with the boundaries of the Burgh (1832); Post
Office Annual Directory – Glasgow 1832–33
(1832); Post Office Annual directory –
Glasgow 1861–62 (1861); Mitchell Library,
Glasgow. MS Register of person entitled to vote in
the election of members to serve in Parliament
17 In this study it was necessary to use samples: the
Glasgow Directory of 1832 included nearly 9,000
entries while that of 1861 had about 17,000; and
there were similar numbers in the Electoral
18 This approach also dealt with the difficulty inherent
in the post-1856 Glasgow electoral lists of multiple
entries for those individuals owning property in
more than one ward.
a critical mass while avoiding an explosion:
letter cluster sampling and nominal record
linkage’, Journal of
20 For a discussion of the difficulties of cluster
sampling see W. G. Cochran, Sampling
Techniques (1963), esp. sections 8.5
‘Populations in random order’, 9.1 ‘Reasons for
cluster sampling’, 9.9 ‘Sampling with probability
proportional to size’.
21 Schofield, ‘Sampling in historical research’,
Withers, C. W.
club and culture change: Gaelic chapels, Highland
societies and the urban Gaelic subculture in
23 Though such a relationship might exist in other
24 MS Scottish Record Office, Edinburgh. VR 102/85–94
Glasgow Rental Books for 1861.
25 To compensate, a small number of randomly applied dummy
values were included in the linkage – the effect of
which was to refine rather than alter the observable
trends in domestic property occupation.
26 MS Scottish Record Office, Edinburgh. SC36/48/46–48
Glasgow Confirmation Inventories 1860–65.
27 Consequently in the main study the confirmation
inventories of 1861 were sampled systematically and
28 See also Morris, R.
J., ‘The middle class and the
property cycle during the Industrial Revolution’,
in Smout, T.
C. (ed.), The Search
for Wealth and Stability
29 Providing interesting parallels with work on other
towns such as Koditschek, ‘Class formation in
30 A. Stewart et al., Social
Stratification and Occupation (1980) sets a modern
theoretical background to occupational status.
31 Though tenement flats were common in Glasgow, and most
middle-class families lived in flats in 1861, the
house held a higher status.
32 This would seem to run contrary to some recent
discussions on the role of servantkeeping – see
‘Domestic servants and households
in Victorian England’,
201–10. Though, as
indicated in table 3, particularly in the
differences between shopkeepers and tradesmen,
servant-keeping was a complex issue.
33 Though merchants and manufacturers dominated wealth and
status hierarchies in Glasgow they were not
occupationally homogeneous groupings, and have not,
therefore, been employed in this illustration.
34 Details on family income were found in qualitative
sources such as diaries and occasionally in
confirmation inventories. Relatively reliable
aggregate figures for the city could be derived from
a combination of PP1860 xxxix Pt. 2 Property
and Income Tax p. 396 and R. D. Baxter,
National Income: the United
Kingdom (1868), 53.
35 This showed many parallels with structures of national
wealth in the nineteenth century: see Rubinstein, W.
Victorian middle classes: wealth, occupation and
History Review, 2nd ser.,
‘Urban transport and the
development of Glasgow's West
End’, Journal of Transport