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‘Every sort of manual type, and mostly foreigners’: migrants, brothers and festive kings in early modern Florence

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 November 2010

Abstract:

In 1522, the artisan festive ‘kingdom’ of the Biliemme put up the biggest street tabernacle in Florence. German textile workers were behind the tabernacle and this article argues that, at a time of crisis for German workers, these men looked to reassert their place in Florence through their participation in a citywide artisan festive subculture. Forty years later, Germans in the Biliemme district had largely been replaced by textile migrants from other parts of Italy. Nonetheless the kingdom remained a important vehicle for creating neighbourhood solidarities and for incorporating these new migrants into the artisan and civic world.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2010

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References

1 On this theme, see esp. Clarke, P., ‘The identity of the expatriate’, in Connell, W.J. (ed.), Society and Individual in Renaissance Florence (Berkeley, 2002), 384408CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In general: Comba, R. et al. (eds.), Strutture familiari, epidemie e migrazione nell'Italia medievale, Edizioni scientifiche italiana (Naples, 1984)Google Scholar; Rosetti, G. (ed.), Dentro la città. Stanieri e realtà urbane nell’ Europa dei secoli XII–XVI (Naples, 1989)Google Scholar; Mola, L., La communità dei Lucchesi a Venezia: immigrazione e industria della seta nel tardo medioevo (Venice, 1994)Google Scholar. One of the most detailed case-study of artisan migrants in early modern Italy, and a key reference here, is now Böninger, L., Die deutsche Einwanderung nach Florenz im Spätmittelalter (Leiden, 2006)Google Scholar.

2 The figure of 30 brigades is an estimate based on a census of 1525, which lists 16 potenze for two quarters only, Santa Croce and Santo Spirito (and so does not include the Biliemme, in the quarter of San Giovanni); Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, Nuovi acquisti, 987, unpag. Nick Eckstein is presently preparing an article on the census, provisionally titled, ‘Florence on foot: urban places and spaces in the mind of the Florentine Flàneur’.

3 On the potenze, see Rosenthal, D., ‘The genealogy of empires: ritual politics and state building in early modern Florence’, I Tatti Studies, 8 (2000), 197234Google Scholar; idem, ‘Big Piero, the empire of the meadow and the parish of Santa Lucia: claiming neighbourhood in the early modern city’, Journal of Urban History, 32 (2006), 663–92; idem, ‘The spaces of plebeian ritual and the boundaries of transgression’, in R. Crum and J. Paoletti (eds.), Renaissance Florence: A Social History (New York, 2006). See, too, Richard Trexler's pioneering work, though it underplays, to my mind, the negotiated nature of the relationship between potenze and the Medici government. R. Trexler, ‘Nonsense in Florence during the republic and grand duchy’, in idem, Dependence in Context in Renaissance Florence (Binghamton, 1994), 327–42; idem, Public Life in Renaissance Florence (New York, 1980), 399–418, 510–15.

4 Filarete, F., The Libro Cerimoniale of the Florentine Republic, ed. Trexler, R. (Geneva, 1978), 128–9Google Scholar. For the plot, Giulio's response and a fuller account of his championing of the emperor of the Prato, a potenza of weavers in the Prato d'Ognissanti, see Cerretani, B., Ricordi, ed. Berti, Giuliana (Florence, 1993), 405ffGoogle Scholar; Polizzotto, L., The Elect Nation: The Savonarolan Movement in Florence, 1494–1545 (Oxford, 1994), 314–20Google Scholar. When Giulio became Pope Clement VII in November 1523, he once again opened the centre of the civic stage to the potenze; Cerretani, Ricordi, 436; Cambi, G., ‘Istorie di Giovanni Cambi’, in di San Luigi, I. (ed.), Delizie degli eruditi toscani, 24 vols. (Florence, 1770–89), vol. XXII, 249Google Scholar; Masi, B., Ricordanze di Bartolomeo Masi, Calderaio fiorentino dal 1478 al 1526, ed. Corazzini, G. (Florence, 1906), 274Google Scholar.

5 It is worth noting that there was another tabernacle, no longer extant, with the same two saints on a streetcorner on the edge of the Camaldoli district, at the corner of via Serragli and Borgo della Stella. Vasari, Giorgio, Le vite de’ più eccellenti pittori ed archittetori nelle redazioni del 1550 e 1568, ed. Bettarini, R. and Barocchi, P., 9 vols. (Florence, 1966), vol. IV, 117Google Scholar. On German immigrants and their confraternities, see Böninger, Die deutsche, esp. chs. 4–5. Germans already had a history of taking part in the carnivalesque culture of artisan festive kingship: for May Day 1500, an ‘emperor of these Germans’ received 2 lire from the friars at the Camaldoli, where the German confraternity of San Corino had met since 1420; while a Swiss member of the Company of the Virgin and Santa Caterina in San Lorenzo appears in the confraternity's fifteenth-century records with the image of a crown against his name. Böninger, Die deutsche, 187. On German weavers, see also: Franceschi, F., Oltre il ‘tumulto’. I lavoratori fiorentine dell'Arte della Lana fra Tre e Quattrocento (Florence, 1993)Google Scholar, 120–32; idem, ‘Tedeschi e Arte della Lana a Firenze’, in Rosetti (ed.), Dentro la città, 258–78.

6 Cerretani, Ricordi, 417; also Cambi, ‘Istorie’, 216–20. This Marmeruchole is now via Chiara. On the tabernacle's connection to the plague, see also Burke, J., ‘Florentine art and the public good’, in Woods, K.W. et al. (eds.), Viewing Renassiance Art (New Haven and London, 2007), 8790Google Scholar.

7 Cambi, ‘Istorie’, 224–30; Cerretani, Ricordi, 423–8. On street tabernacles, which were quite often connected to the plague, see S. Strocchia, ‘Theatres of everyday life’, in Crum and Paoletti (eds.), Renaissance Florence, 74–6.

8 The Della Robbia workshop had been on the corner of via Guelfa and via Santa Caterina since 1446. Based on other Giovanni della Robbia commissions, the tabernacle probably cost in the order of 44 florins, well over half a year's income for a weaver. See Burke, ‘Florentine art’, 89.

9 The presence of St Lawrence, complete with the grill of his martyrdom, was possibly also a specific nod to the neighbouring potenza of the Graticola (grill), though the sources only allow us to be certain about this group's existence from 1545. Archivio di Stato di Firenze (hereafter ASF), Otto di guardia e balìa, principato, 40, fols. 18v–19r

10 Cerretani, Ricordi, 408; Cambi, ‘Istorie’, 204; Filarete, The Libro, 128–9. A later confraternity closely linked to the Biliemme placed the unusual obligation on its members to pay homage to the Madonna of Impruneta whenever she came into the city. ASF, Compagnie Religiose Soppresse (hereafter CRS), Capitoli, 827, f. 26 (Assunta in via Tedesca, 1587). This confraternity is discussed below. On potenze trips to Impruneta, see Rosenthal, ‘The spaces of plebeian ritual’, 164–5, 180–1.

11 By 1480, Germans accounted for only 27 per cent of wool weavers. Franceschi, Oltre, 120.

12 ASF, CRS, Capitoli, 850, fols. 2r–v, 3v (Santi Crespino e Crespignano, detta dei calzolai). See also Böninger, Die deutsche, 223ff. For the confraternity of Santa Caterina in the Camaldoli area, founded in 1433 and absorbed into Santa Maria della Pietà in 1557, ASF, CRS, Capitoli, 608, fols. 28r–30r. The Carmelite friars’ comment is quoted in Böninger, L., ‘Gli artigiani stranieri nell'economia e nella cultura fiorentina’, in Franceschi, F. and Fossi, G. (eds.), La grande storia dell'artigianato. Il Quattrocento (Florence, 1999), 126nGoogle Scholar.

13 Franceschi, Oltre, 120; Malanima, P., La decadenza di un'economia cittadina. L'industria a Firenze nei secoli XVI–XVII (Bologna, 1982), 7782, 289–305Google Scholar.

14 In 1577, ASF, Depositeria generale, parte antica (hereafter Depositeria), 987, ins. 53; in 1610, ASF, Capitani di Parte (hereafter Parte), numeri neri, 1478, fols. 178r, 256r.

15 ASF, Parte, numeri bianchi, 340, unpag.

16 Montopoli and Ferrara appear five times each in the Camaldoli's 1559 list. For the 1577 leaders, ASF, Parte, numeri neri, 739, fol. 176; ASF, Depositeria, 987, ins. 53. Among the other six men who played some official role in the Camaldoli in 1577, another was from Ferrara, two from Siena and one from the Mugello. In the 1610 sources, another of the Camaldoli leadership group, its ‘admiral of the seas’, identified himself as a weaver from Santa Sofia. ASF, Parte, numeri neri, 1478, fols. 202r, 239r.

17 ‘Quanto che è cosa difficile il convenire di commun concordia in un Consiglio medesimo et in una istessa volunta, tante e tante Persone e massime vulgari e di diversi Paesi e Nationi, come sono state sempre e sono in questo nostro Mestiero.’ ASF, CRS, Capitoli, 799, fol. 2r (Compagnia di S Giovanni Evangelista e S Michele Arcangelo detta la Compagnia dei Tessitori di panni lani).

18 ‘Item, dicono che gli’ huomini fatti sopra tal compera elesseno detto luogo per più commodita dell’ uno et dell altro membro, perche essendo il nostro Membro diviso in dua parte, cioè uno in Camaldoli, et l'altro in San Bernaba, l'uno non voleva andare in Camaldoli et l'altro non voleva venire in S Bernaba.’ ASF, Parte, numeri neri, 1474, fol. 576r (1606). The building they bought, in 1579, was in via della Scala in the quarter of Santa Maria Novella.

19 Respectively Domenico Zaghi and Cosimo Pieralli: ASF, CRS, Capitoli, 799, fols. 2r–3r; ASF, Depositeria, 984, ins. 53.

20 From the festive expenses of the Camaldoli king of 2 June 1577. ‘Adi detto lire sette quando s[’]and ò al desinare di Re di Beliemo’; ‘Adi detto lire otto servino per so[l]dati et al altre persone del re quando ttoreno [sic] dal Re a Beliemo accompagno re sua colego.’ ASF, Parte, numeri neri, 739, fol. 176. Significantly, a second mass vote in both districts, to secure approval for the final version of the new brotherhood's statutes, took place on May Day 1576, a day long associated with carnivalesque festivity and the potenze in particular. ASF, CRS, Capitoli, 799, fol. 3r.

21 Four of eight 1610 leadership figures can be identified – Michele di Piero, Niccolò di Battista (flagbearer), Rafaello Rossellino and Bartolo Pieralli. The family name of the last of these men identifies him as a relative of the 1577 Biliemme secretary (n. 19, above). ASF, CRS, 171, No. 18, fols. 2r, 6r–v, 10r, 63r, for the first appearance of their names. For the potenza in 1610, ASF, Parte, numeri neri, 1478, fols. 178r–179r, 256r.

22 ASF, CRS, Capitoli, 827, fol. 1.

23 Ricci, G. De’, Cronaca: 1532–1606, ed. Sapori, G. (Milan, 1972), 218Google Scholar.

24 Arditi, B., Diario di Firenze e di altre parti della cristianità, ed. Cantagalli, R. (Florence, 1970), 62Google Scholar. See also Baldinucci, G., Quaderno. Peste, guerra e carestia nell'Italia del Seicento, ed. Dooley, B. (Florence, 2001), 108Google Scholar.

25 ‘Per essere questa una compagnia numerosa et d'ogni sorte gente meccanica, et al maggior parte forestieri . . . Sappiamo che S[ua] A[ltezza] S[erenissima] del signore suo padre di f[elice]:m[emoria]: non volse simil sorte di gente dare adito di far gran compagnie.’ ASF, Parte, numeri neri, 1474, fol. 570r (1606). ‘Per essere di diversi paesi di stravaganti umori in fra di loro discordanti et finalmente che costumi poco civili’. Ibid., fol. 566r.

26 This was Paolo Mannucci, in his gloss to Perlone Zipoli (Lorenzo Lippi), Il Malmantile Raquistato, 4 vols. (Prato, 1815), vol. II, 11–12n.