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The Work of Audoenus of Rouen and Eligius of Noyon in Extending Episcopal Influence from the Town to the Country in Seventh-Century Neustria

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Paul Fouracre
Paul Fouracre*
Affiliation:
University of London, King’s College
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Extract

Held almost as an article of faith amongst Merovingian historians is a belief in the strength of the bishops’ position in the town in early Frankish society. Passages from the life of bishop Desiderius of Cahors are often used to illustrate the busy bishop at work in his town, responsible, it seems, for maintaining the town’s defences. The assumption of secular duties by the bishop has been charted by a German scholar—Claude—who shows how in many cases the crown’s principal representative in the town—the count—began to reside outside the town, having been deprived of his specifically urban functions by the bishop. The interest shown in the bishops in the town has, however, led to a rather unbalanced picture of the bishop as an urban creature. In contrast, the Merovingian church councils of the sixth and seventh centuries show that the bishops were very much concerned with rural work, and from the legislation which applies to both town and country it could be argued that the distinctions between the two are less clear-cut than a concept such as bischöfliche Stadtherrschaft implies.

Type
Research Article
Information
Studies in Church History , Volume 16: The Church in Town and Countryside , 1979 , pp. 77 - 91
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1979

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References

1 The most recent expression of this view is to be found in Prinz, [F.], ‘Die Bischöfliche Stadtherrschaft’, HZ (1973) pp 1–35 Google Scholar, an important article, but marred by Prinz’s failure to distinguish between fact and fancy in the life of saint Eligius - bk 1 cap 32 - where it is claimed that the bishop of Tours gained the right to appoint the town’s count. For a summary of earlier secondary material on bishops and towns, see Ewig, E., ‘Kirche und Civitas in der Merowingerzeit’, SSSpoleto 7 (1960) 1 pp 47–71 Google Scholar.

2 Vita Desiderii caps 16-18, ed Krusch, [B.], MGH SRM 4 (1902) pp 574-7Google Scholar.

3 Claude, D., ‘Untersuchungen zum frühfränkischen Comitat,’ ZRC GAbt 81 (1964) pp 1–79 Google Scholar.

4 For a summary of Merovingian conciliar legislation see Clercq, [C.] de, La legislation religieuse Franque de Clovis à Charlemagne (Louvain/Paris 1936) cap 6 pp 89–103 Google Scholar.

5 The Vita Audoeni , ed Levison, [W.], MGH SRM 5 (1910) pp 536-67Google Scholar, and the Vita Eligii , ed Krusch, , MGH SRM 4 pp 663–741 Google Scholar. The Vita Audoeni consists of a base which shows contemporary witness but which was revised in the Carolingian period. Vacandard, [E.], Vie [de Saint Ouen] (Paris 1902) p xiii Google Scholar emphasizes the caractère sérieux d’historicité of the source - a view with which Levison agrees, [Wattenbach, W.-Levison, W.], [Deutschlands] Geschichtsquellen [im Mittelalter, 1, Vorzeit und Karolingern] (Weimar 1952) p 128 Google Scholar. Saint Audoenus, in a letter to Chrodbert bishop of either Tours or Paris, MGH SRM 4 p 741, says that he himself composed a life of Eligius. This work is unidentifiable in the surviving version of the source, but the Vita Eligii is used by the author of the Vita Landiberti, ed Krusch, , MGH SRM 6 (1913) pp 299–384 Google Scholar, which, in turn, can be more surely dated to the first quarter of the eighth century. For details of the dating of the Vita Eligii and the Vita Landiberti see Essen, [L.] Van der, Étude critique [et littéraire sur les vitae des Saints Merovingiens de l’ancienne Belgique] (Louvain/Paris 1907) pp 329-36Google Scholar and 25-33.

6 For an account of the growth of Columbanian monasticism and the contribution of its court patrons see Prinz, , Frühes Mönchtum [im Frankenreich] (Munich/Vienna 1965) pp 124-41Google Scholar.

7 The close personal ties between the two bishops are reflected in their respective Vitae: Vita Audoeni cap 4 p 556, Vita Eligii bk 1 cap 12 p 679. The same sources show their close cooperation with the Merovingian house, but this is shown in a more concise manner in the Vita Amandi, ed Krusch, , MGH SRM 5 pp 428-49Google Scholar, cap 17 p 440, where bishop Amand has refused to baptise king Dagobert’s son to punish the king for his licentious behaviour. Eligius and Audoenus are sent by Dagobert to get Amand to change his mind.

8 The edition of Frankish church councils used here is: Concilia [Galliae 511-695], ed de Clercq, [C.], CC, Series Latina 148 A (1963)Google Scholar. See pp 302-10 for the council of Chalon-sur-Saône.

9 The principle is expressed as early as 541 at the council of Orleans. De Clercq Concilia p 137 canon 20: ‘Ut nullus saecularium personarum praetermissa pontifice seu praeposito ecclesiae quemquam clericorum pro sua protestate constringere, discutere audeat aut damnare.’

10 De Clercq, Concilia pp 304, 305, 306.

11 In FM 5 (1938) p 554.

12 The fullest account of the development of the office of archipresbyter remains that by Imbart de la Tour, ‘Les Paroisses Rurales dans l’Ancienne France’, RH (May/August 1896) pp 24-9.

13 For the council of Orléans, see note 9. The clergy of the private churches are first mentioned in 517, when it is stated that holy relics should not be placed in such churches unless there were parish clergy near enough to make sure that the correct liturgical duties were carried out. De Clercq Concilia p 30.

14 Vacandard, Vie cap 6 pp 119-54, and Van der Essen, Étude Critique pp 327-9 describe the diocesan areas of Rouen and Noyon-Tournai respectively.

15 Vita Eligii bk 2 cap 3 p 696.

16 See note 13.

17 Prinz, Frühes Mönchtum, pp 124-41.

18 This is clearly stated in the Vita Audoeni cap 7 p 558: ‘ad honus pontificalem iusso regalis insedisset.’ Both EHgius and Audoenus were made bishops whilst still laymen. They therefore spent a year in learning the trade, as it were, before taking up their appointments.

19 Vita Audoeni bk 2 cap 24 p 557.

20 Vita Eligii bk 2 cap 5 p 697.

21 Ibid cap 3 p 696, cap 8 pp 700-1.

22 Vita Audoeni cap 4 p 556 and cap 10 p 559: ‘Sicque vir sanctus per diversas parrochias virtutum semina atque verborum acumina spargebat.’

23 Vita Audoeni bk 2 cap 24 p 557.

24 Vita Eligii bk 2 cap 21 p 713. The Vita Eligii neatly divides such episodes into separate chapters, in contrast to the Vita Audoeni in which differences in time and space are often concealed in the same chapter.

25 Vita Eligii bk 2 cap 20 pp 711-12.

26 Ibid. Erchinoald : ‘qui erat eo tempore praepositus palatii.’

27 Ibid. The vocative use of Romanus is interesting. Eligius came from the region of Limoges, as bk 1 cap 1 of his life says. That this should mark him out as a ‘Roman’ in the Noyon region suggests that racial fusion between the Gallo-Roman and Frankish elements in the area had not taken place to the extent that it had elsewhere in the kingdom. The title also seems to indicate contempt, hinting at racial tensions. Van der Essen, Étude critique, p 333 argues that the author of the Vita was a German. If so, it would follow that it is his racial outlook expressed here, rather than that of the people of the Noyon region.

28 Erchinoald helped found the abbey of Lagny near Paris, helped saint Audoenus in the foundation of St Wandrille, and built the monastery of Perorine Scottorum over the body of saint Fursey. For the details of this work, see Prinz, Frühes Mönchtum, pp 128-9.

29 Ibid. pp 492-504 on Selbstheiligung der adeligen Gründerfamilien.

30 Ibid. The Rebais privilege is in Diplomata, Chartae, Epistolae, Leges 2, ed Pardessu, J. (Paris 1849) pp 39–41 Google Scholar. For a detailed account of the origins and nature of immunity privileges see Ewig, E., ‘Beobachtungen zu den Klosterpriviligien des 7 und frühen 8 Jahrhunderts pp 52-66’, Adel und Kirche – Gerd Tellenbach zum 65 Geburtstag dargebracht von Freunden und Schülern, ed Schmid, K. (Freiburg/Basel/Vienna 1968)Google Scholar.

31 This literature includes: Vita Geremari, ed Krusch, , MGH SRM 4 pp 626-33Google Scholar – a ninth century work and wenig glaubwürdig according to Levison in Geschichtsquellen p 139 n 343; Vita Lamberti, ed Levison, , MGH SRM 5 pp 606-12Google Scholar, composed around the year 800, in Levison’s view also expressed in Geschichtsquellen p 139; Vita Filiberti, ed Levison, , MGH SRM 5 pp 568–606 Google Scholar, a work of the later eighth century, again this is Levison’s view in Geschichtsquellen p 138; Vita Waningi, ed Mabillon, [J.], ASOSB 3 (1669) pp 971-4Google Scholar. This work survives only in fragments dating from the Norman period; Vita Austrebertae, ed Mabillon, , ASOSB 3 (1672) pp 27-9Google Scholar, again fragmented and from a later period.

32 Vita Geremari cap 8 p 630. Though the work is wenig glaubwürdig one is inclined to believe the author when he treats with the central subject of Geremar’s appointment – and especially when he describes the revolt of the monks against him – for why include an untruth which belittles the hero’s stature? The same argument can be applied to the Vita Austrebertae in the description of Austreberta’s troubles.

33 Ibid cap 10.

34 Ibid cap 18.

35 Vita Austrebertae cap 12.

36 Ibid cap 11.

37 More trustworthy than the Vitae Geremari, Austrebertae and Waningi. Most of the source unfortunately has been lost. What remains is very detailed and contains important information on the supporters of king Childeric II.

38 Vita Lamberti cap 3 p 610, an example of the detail to be found in this source – the petitioners in this grant are all named, as are all the properties granted.

39 Ibid cap 4 pp 611-2. Saint Audoenus’s initiative in bringing the case to court is seen in his request to king Childeric II for written permission to judge it : ‘Audoenus una cum sua auctoritate simulque prefati regis epistola eadem re sibi directa ad verae pacis concordiam revocavit.’ Theoretically, the case should have been within Audoenus’s competence as bishop - it was an ecclesiastical matter. That he needed the king’s permission to hear it reflects upon the fact that he was trying to alter a royal grant.

40 Vita Waningi cap 5 p 972.

41 Ibid cap 7 p 973, the source here merely copies the Passio Leudagarii bk 2, ed Krusch, , MGH SRM 5 pp 324-56Google Scholar. For this source there is a surer tradition and an established reliability on the point of Leudegar’s imprisonment at Fécamp.

42 Vita Waningi cap 1 p 974. The wish that: ‘de sua stirpe nulli ad regendum committeret.’

43 The Liber Historiae Francorum , ed Krusch, , MGH SRM 2 (1888) pp 213–328 Google Scholar, a Neustrian chronicle, has the account of Ebroin’s return to Neustria and tells of how saint Audoenus advised him to attack Leudesius, his rival as major domus - cap 45 pp 318, 319. The Vita Filiberti cap 24 p 596 tells of Filibert’s rejection of Ebroin.

44 Vita Filiberti cap 25 p 597 on Filibert’s imprisonment. The source has great difficulty in explaining how it was that Filibert came to be punished by a bishop of such a spotless reputation. Ebroin is very much the devil’s man in the Vitae of this period, and so his relationship with saint Audoenus is never mentioned, and must be reconstructed from the tangle of circumstantial evidence. Here, for instance, the clergy of Rouen are put between Ebroin and Audoenus - it being more acceptable for the latter to take heed of his clergy than of Ebroin: ‘[Ebroin] incitans quosdam urbis Rodomagensium clericus, coepit discordiam ingerere et malivola verba sancto Audoeno pontifice de Filiberto viro Domini incantare.’ When Audoenus actually deposes Filibert the source turns its venom on his replacement ‘quidam miser homuncolus’ (cap 26 p 598) – surely a unique, if indirect, criticism of Audoenus who chose the replacement.

45 Vita Ansberti, ed Levison, , MGH SRM 5 pp 613-41Google Scholar - composed early ninth century, according to Levison in his introduction to the work p 615, cap 2 p 261 for Ansbert’s early relationship with Audoenus, cap 15 p 628 on the death of Audoenus and Ansbert’s succession as bishop of Rouen.

46 Ibid cap 21 p 634: ‘Quo tempore incusatus apud ipsum principem (Pepin) praefatus pontifex sanctus iussu eiusdem exilio deportatur in Altummontem monasterium.’

47 Vita Fursei, ed Krusch, , MGH SRM 4 pp 423-40Google Scholar, a very early source, the traditions of which are reflected in Bede. For the treatment of saint Fursey’s body, see cap 10 p 439. Eligius failed to stop Erchinoald building over the body, but after four years, with the help of bishop Audebert of Cambrai managed to get the body moved.

48 Two consecutive chapters from the Vita Eligii bk 2 deal with the bishop’s recovery of the saint’s remains. They are caps 6 and 7.

49 Vita Eligii bk 2 cap 2 p 695. Eligius is given custodem of ‘Vemandensi scilicet, quae est matropolis urbs. . . .’

50 Ibid cap 7 p 700. The mausoleum is described as urbane - fit for a town, to give emphasis to the fact that it was built in a mere vicus.

51 The similarity here concerns the aims of the respective exercises, the control of the cult-centres.

52 Liber Historiae Francorum cap 44 p 316: ‘Eo tempore Chlodoveus brachium beati Dionisii martyris abscidit, instigante diabulo.’

53 [E.] Ewig is the authority on this ‘Klosterpolitik’. See [Das Privileg des Bischofs Berthefrid von Amiens für Corbie von 664 und die Klosterpolitik der Königin Balthild] Francia 1 (Paris 1973) for his latest work.

54 Ewig certainly thinks so, see p 107.

55 Vita Desidera, ed Krusch, , MGH SRM 4 pp 547–602 Google Scholar, written at the end of the eighth century at the earliest according to Levison, Geschichtsquellen p 127.

56 Vita Sulpicii, ed Krusch, , MGH SRM 4 pp 364-80Google Scholar, put together from contemporary traditions sometime in the eighth century – Levison, Geschichtsquellen p 127.

57 Vita Niuardi, ed Levison, , MGH SRM 5 pp 157 Google Scholar-71, a ninth century work – Levison, Geschichtsquellen p 128.

58 Passiones Leudegarii, ed Krusch, , MGH SRM 5 pp 249–356 Google Scholar. Passio 1 has a near contemporary base, detailed by Krusch.

59 Passio Praejecti, ed Krusch, , MGH SRM 5 pp 212-48Google Scholar. More surely a contemporary work, some have argued, by Jonas of Bobbio; see Geschichtsquellen p 129.

60 Passio Leudegarii bk 1 cap 2 p 248 : Leudegar, a strinuus man is chosen by Balthildis to bring peace to Autun. Passio Praejecti cap 4 p 228 – feuding amongst the clergy of Clermont.

61 A certain level of rural activity in these areas must be presumed, however, if only from the legislation concerning rural problems drawn up at the councils held in them. This can be seen as early as 511 in the council of Orleans, canon 15, De Clercq, Concilia p 9.

62 Vita Amandi, ed Krusch, , MGH SRM 5 pp 395–449 Google Scholar - written sometime in the first half of the eighth century. For the dating and evaluation of the source see de Moreau, E. ‘La plus ancienne biographie de saint Amand’, RHE 22 (1926) pp 30–67 Google Scholar.

63 Vita Amandi cap 18 p 443 : ‘sicque per triennium fere vicos vel castra verbum Domini constanter omnibus praedicavit. Multi etiam . . . sacerdotes atque feritae praedicationem illius respuentes, audire contempserunt.’

64 On the settlement patterns in the Flanders and Maastricht regions see Bergengruen, A., ‘Adel und Grundherrschaft im Merowingerreich,’ Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial und Wirtschaftgeschichte 41 (Wiesbaden 1958)Google Scholar. This work has come under attack from many scholars because of the conclusions that Bergengruen draws from his research – namely that the Franks had no aristocracy in the invasion period, and that the basis of the development of the aristocracy was service to the king. The research itself – on the northern areas – is sound, and Bergengruen gives details of the expansion of settlements out from the castra, creating new villae in the seventh century, pp 109-17.

65 A good example of this is the case of bishop Leudegar of Autun. When the major domus Ebroin wished to take him into custody, he was forced to lay siege to his episcopal town. Passio Leudegarii bk 1 cap 21 p 302.

66 Passio Praejecti cap 29 p 242 on the death of the bishop, ibid cap 23 p 239 on the origins of the land dispute. This was over land left to the church of Clermont by a wealthy Auvergnate widow (Claudia) but appropriated by Hector, the ruler of Provence. Hector was put to death after resisting a royal judgement on the case. Two of his supporters then took vengeance on Praejectus.

67 Vita Eligii bk 2 cap 19 p 710: ‘Quidam itaque vir infaustus . . . volens ecclesiae eius silvani quandam valde optimam percinaciter praeripere suaeque ditioni mancipare.’

68 On the relationship between Audoenus and Ebroin, see nn 43, 44.

69 Though the vici as rural centres were generally inhabited by people free in status, such centres were under pressure from neighbouring magnates throughout the period. A concise statement on their position is given by Fourquin, G., Histoire de la France Rurale, 1, ed Duby, G. (Seuil 1975) cap 3 pp 310-2Google Scholar.

70 This is slated clearly in the preamble to an Aquitanian council held under king Childcric II, De Clercq Concilia pp 311-3 : ‘ . . . multa contraria statuta patrum vel canonica auctoritate inventa sunt, eo quod clerici per contumacia propriis episcopis dispicerint et adhuc, quod peius est, amplius quam saecularis diversa contraria agerent.’