¹ The research for this paper was conducted with the support of the Humanities in the European Research Area funded project, ‘After Empire: Using and Not Using the Past in the Crisis of the Carolingian World, c.900–c.1050’ (UNUP), funded from the European Union's Research and Innovation Horizon 2020 programme under grant agreement no. 649387.

² See especially the evidence of monastic customaries edited in the series Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum (Siegburg, 1963– ); on customaries, see Boynton, Susan and Cochelin, Isabelle, From Dead of Night to End of Day: The Medieval Customs of Cluny / Du Coeur de la nuit à la fin du jour. Les Coutumes clunisiennes au moyen âge, Disciplina Monastica 3 (Turnhout, 2005)Google Scholar; Malone, Carolyn Marino and Maines, Clark, eds, Consuetudines et Regulae: Sources for Monastic Life in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period, Disciplina Monastica 10 (Turnhout, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ ‘Fuit enim in simplicitate et humilitate beato Wulfrico simillimus, psalmis et orationibus sicut et ille die ac nocte inserviens et quantum ministerii sui ratio sinebat, perpetuas in ecclesia sua excubias celebrabat’: John of Ford, Vita Wulfrici 16 (Wulfric of Haselbury, by John, Abbot of Ford, ed. Maurice Bell, Somerset Record Society 47 [Frome, 1933], 30–1). For an English translation, see John of Forde: The Life of Wulfric of Haselbury, Anchorite, transl. Pauline Matarasso, Cistercian Fathers 79 (Collegeville, MN, 2011), 116–17. On this text, see Mayr-Harting, H., ‘Functions of a Twelfth-Century Recluse’, History 60 (1975), 337–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ ‘Nam homini alienigenae cui satis erat linguam ad loquendum aperuisse ad geminum linguae officium deuotus ministrasti et mihi qui cum ad episcopum et archidiaconum uenio quasi mutus silere compellor, Gallici usum sermonis non dedisti’: John of Ford, Vita Wulfrici 14, 29 (Life of Wulfric, transl. Matarasso, 115).

⁵ John of Ford, Vita Wulfrici 35 (Osbern described as Brihtric's son: ‘quod filius eius Osbernus’), 74 (Osbern succeeds Brihtric), 82 (reference to Godida, ‘Godida mater Osberni presbyteri’), 52–3, 102–3, 109.

⁶ Ibid. 35, 52–3 (Life of Wulfric, transl. Matarasso, 139, 187). For Osbern serving Wulfric in his cell while he celebrated mass, see also ibid. 74, 102.

⁷ See the study of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century priestly education by Dohar, William J., ‘Sufficienter litteratus: Clerical Examination and Instruction for the Cure of Souls’, in Brown, Jacqueline and Stoneman, William P., eds, A Distinct Voice: Medieval Studies in Honor of Leonard E. Boyle, OP (Notre Dame, IN, 1997), 305–21Google Scholar, at 305: ‘a more common-place school for pastoral care in the Middle Ages was the master-apprentice association formed, with varying degrees of success, between local curates and the interested youth of the parishes’. On father-son succession in local churches in this period, see Barrow, Julia, The Clergy in the Medieval World: Secular Clerics, their Families and Careers in North-Western Europe c.800–c.1200 (Cambridge, 2015), 338–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Dohar, ‘Sufficienter litteratus’, 305. See also Barrow, Clergy, 222: ‘much education went on at a lower level, without attention to rhetoric and dialectic’; Denton, Jeffrey H., ‘The Competence of the Parish Clergy in Thirteenth-Century England’, in Barron, Caroline M. and Stratford, Jenny, eds, Church and Learning in Later Medieval Society: Essays in Honour of R. B. Dobson, Harlaxton Medieval Studies n.s. 11 (Donington, 2002), 273–85Google Scholar, at 284: ‘There is little evidence to suggest that … university training and parish duties had much, directly and in practice, to do with each other.’

⁹ Council of Trent: The Twenty-Third Session, canon 18, in J. Waterworth, ed. and transl., The Canons and Decrees of the Sacred and Oecumenical Council of Trent (London, 1848), 187.

¹⁰ Ibid. 188.

¹¹ Lateran III, canon 18, and Lateran IV, canon 11, in Norman P. Tanner, ed., Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, 2 vols (London, 1990), 1: 220, 240.

¹² Dohar, ‘Sufficienter litteratus’; Birkett, Helen, ‘The Pastoral Application of the Lateran IV Reforms in the Northern Province, 1215–1348’, Northern History 43 (2006), 199–219CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Boyle, Leonard E., Pastoral Care, Clerical Education and Canon Law, 1200–1400 (London, 1981)Google Scholar; idem, ‘The Fourth Lateran Council and Manuals of Popular Theology’, in Thomas J. Heffernan, ed., The Popular Literature of Medieval England (Knoxville, TN, 1985), 30–43; Goering, Joseph, ‘The Internal Forum and the Literature of Confession’, Traditio 59 (2004), 175–227CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘The Changing Face of the Village Parish II: The Thirteenth Century’, in J. A. Raftis, ed., Pathways to Medieval Peasants (Toronto, ON, 1981), 323–33.

¹³ McKitterick, Rosamond, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789–895 (London, 1977)Google Scholar. Nor is this a phenomenon novel to the Carolingians; I should like to thank Morwenna Ludlow for drawing my attention to a passage in the preface to Gregory of Nyssa's Catechetical Oration which suggests that as early as the fourth century bishops composed catechetical texts as handbooks for training their clergy: ‘The presiding ministers of the “mystery of godliness” have need of a system in their instructions, in order that the Church may be replenished by the accession of such as should be saved, through the teaching of the word of Faith being brought home to the hearing of unbelievers’: Selected Writings and Letters of Gregory, Bishop of Nyssa, transl. William Moore and Henry A. Wilson, NPNF II 5 (London, 1893), online at the Christian Classics Ethereal Library: <http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf205.xi.ii.ii.html>, accessed 7 June 2018.

¹⁴ Keefe, Susan, Water and the Word. Baptism and Education of the Clergy in the Carolingian Empire, 2 vols (Notre Dame, IN, 2002)Google Scholar; van Rhijn, Carine, Shepherds of the Lord: Priests and Episcopal Statutes in the Carolingian Period (Turnhout, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; eadem, ‘The Local Church, Priests’ Handbooks and Pastoral Care in the Carolingian Period’, Chiese locali e chiese regionali nell’ alto medioevo, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo 61 (Spoleto, 2014), 689–710; eadem, ‘Carolingian Rural Priests as (Local) Religious Experts’, in Steffan Patzold and Florian Bock, eds, Gott handhaben. Religiöses Wissen im Konflikt um Mythisierung und Rationalisierung (Berlin, 2016), 131–46; eadem, ‘Manuscripts for Local Priests and the Carolingian Reforms’, in Steffen Patzold and Carine van Rhijn, eds, Men in the Middle: Local Priests in Early Medieval Europe, Ergänzungsbände zum Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde 93 (Berlin, 2016), 177–98; eadem, ‘Pastoral Care and Prognostics in the Carolingian Period: The Case of El Escorial, Real Biblioteca di San Lorenzo, MS L III 8’, RB 127 (2017), 272–97; Hen, Yitzhak, ‘Knowledge of Canon Law among Rural Priests: The Evidence of two Carolingian Manuscripts from around 800’, JThS n.s. 50 (1999), 117–34Google Scholar; idem, ‘Educating the Clergy: Canon Law and Liturgy in a Carolingian Handbook from the Time of Charles the Bald’, in idem, ed., De Sion exibit lex et verbum Domini de Hierusalem: Essays in Medieval Law, Liturgy and Literature in Honour of Amnon Linden (Turnhout, 2001), 43–58; idem and Meens, Rob, eds, The Bobbio Missal: Liturgy and Religious Culture in Merovingian Gaul (Cambridge, 2004)Google Scholar; McCune, James, ‘The Sermon Collection in the Carolingian Clerical Handbook, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France Lat. 1012’, Mediaeval Studies 75 (2013), 35–91Google Scholar; Meens, Rob, ‘The Frequency and Nature of Early Medieval Penance’, in Biller, Peter and Minnis, A. J., eds, Handling Sin: Confession in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 1998), 35–62Google Scholar; Rasmussen, Niels K., ‘Célébration épiscopale et célébration presbytériale. Un essai de typologie’, in Segni e riti nella chiesa altomedievale occidentale, Settimana di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo 33 (Spoleto, 1987), 581–603Google Scholar; Monika Wenz, ‘Bücher für Priester auf dem Land. Ausbildung von Experten religiösen Wissens im Karolingerreich’ (PhD thesis in progress, University of Tübingen).

¹⁵ As indicated, for instance by the distribution of Carolingian episcopal capitula outlined in van Rhijn, Shepherds of the Lord, 229–32 (Appendix 2).

¹⁶ On Carolingian Italy in general, see Delogu, Paolo, ‘Lombard and Carolingian Italy’, in McKitterick, Rosamond, ed., The New Cambridge Medieval History, 2: c.700–c.900 (Cambridge, 1995), 290–319CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the absence of penitentials in the ninth century, see Paenitentialia Italiae Saeculi XI–XII, CChr.SL 156C, xi. On the absence of episcopal capitula, see van Rhijn, Shepherds of the Lord, 229–32.

¹⁷ On relations in the ninth century, see Nelson, Janet L., ‘England and the Continent in the Ninth Century I: Ends and Beginnings’, TRHS 6th ser. 12 (2002), 1–21Google Scholar; eadem, ‘England and the Continent in the Ninth Century II: The Vikings and Others’, TRHS 6th ser. 13 (2003), 1–28; eadem, ‘England and the Continent in the Ninth Century III: Rights and Rituals’, TRHS 6th ser. 14 (2004), 1–24; eadem, ‘England and the Continent in the Ninth Century IV: Bodies and Minds’, TRHS 6th ser. 15 (2005), 1–28. For the tenth century, see Rollason, David, Leyser, Conrad and Williams, Hannah, eds, England and the Continent in the Tenth Century: Studies in Honour of Wilhelm Levison (1876–1947), Studies in the Early Middle Ages 37 (Turnhout, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ Regino of Prüm, , Libri duo de synodalibus causis et disciplinis ecclesiasticis, abridged edn in Das Sendhandbuch des Regino von Prüm, ed. Hartmann, Wilfried (Darmstadt, 2004), 20–2Google Scholar.

¹⁹ ‘Qualiter episcopus debeat ordinationem facere … Et tunc episcopus e latere suo dirigere debet sacerdotes et alios prudentes viros gnaros legis divinae et exercitatos in ecclesiasticis sanctionibus, qui ordinandorum vitam, genus, patriam, aetatem, institutionem, locum ubi educati, si bene sint literati, si in lege Domini instructi, diligenter investigent; ante omnia, si fidem catholicam firmiter teneant et verbis simplicibus asserere queant. … Igitur per tres continuos dies diligenter examinentur, et sic sabbato, qui probati inventi sunt, episcopo repraesententur’: ibid. 1.453 (ed. Hartmann, 228–30).

²⁰ Although Regino cites his authority as a council of Nantes, there is no known source for this canon. Wilfried Hartmann suggests that the attribution of canons to otherwise unknown sources in Regino generally reflects ninth-century canon law and practice, and probably reflect the proceedings of now lost councils: ‘Die Capita incerta im Sendhandbuch Reginos von Prüm’, in Oliver Münsch and Thomas Zotz, eds, Scientia Veritatis. Festschrift für Hubert Mordek zum 65. Geburtstag (Stuttgart, 2004), 207–26.

²¹ Regino, Libri duo 1.455 (ed. Hartmann, 230–2).

²² Ibid. 1: Inquisitio, 2.1–5 (ed. Hartmann, 24–38, 234–50). On these texts, see Hellinger, Walter, ‘Die Pfarrvisitation nach Regino von Prüm’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. kanonistische Abteilung 48 (1962), 1–116CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wilfried Hartmann, Kirche und Kirchenrecht um 900. Die Bedeutung der spätkarolingischen Zeit für Tradition und Innovation im kirchlichen Recht, MGH Schriften 58, 56–7, 311–13; Hamilton, Sarah, Church and People in the Medieval West, 900–1200 (Harlow, 2013), 12–13Google Scholar.

²³ Regino, Libri duo 7. For a more extensive guide to the Regino manuscripts and literature, see Kéry, Lotte, Canonical Collections of the Early Middle Ages (ca.400–1140): A Bibliographical Guide to the Manuscripts and Literature (Washington DC, 1999), 128–33Google Scholar. For Burchard's use of Regino, see Hartmut Hoffmann and Rudolf Pokorny, Das Dekret des Bischofs Burchard von Worms. Textstufen – Frühe Verbreitung – Vorlagen, MGH Hilfsmittel 12. The most easily accessible edition is Burchard of Worms, Decretum, PL 140, cols 537–1065; on the manuscripts, see Kéry, Canonical Collections, 133–55; on the principles behind Burchard's compilation, see Austin, Greta, Shaping Church Law around the Year 1000: The Decretum of Burchard of Worms (Farnham, 2009)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Burchard, Decretum (PL 140, cols 617–66).

²⁵ ‘Quae presbyteri necessario discere et scire debeant’, ibid. 2.2 (PL 140, col. 625).

²⁶ ‘Sexto, quae ipsis sacerdotibus necessaria sunt ad discendum, id est sacramentarium, lectionarius, antiphonarius, baptisterium, compotus [sic], kanon, paenitentialis, psalterium, homeliae per circulum anni dominicis diebus et singulis festivitatibus aptae. Ex quibus omnibus, si unum defuerit, sacerdotis nomen vix in eo constabit, quia valde periculosae sunt evangelicae minae quibus dicitur: “Si caecus caeco ducatum praestet, ambo in foveam cadunt”’: Haito of Basel, Capitula 6 (MGH Capit. episc. 1, 211). Of the ninth-century episcopal statutes, Haito's is, in Carine van Rhijn's view, the ‘most explicit on the subject of (liturgical) knowledge and understanding’: Shepherds of the Lord, 107–8.

²⁷ On pontificals, see Rasmussen, Niels Krogh, Les Pontificaux du haut moyen âge. Genèse du livre de l’évêque, Spicilegium sacrum lovaniense. Études et documents 49 (Leuven, 1998)Google Scholar; for a review of recent work, see Hamilton, Sarah, ‘Interpreting Diversity: Excommunication Rites in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries’, in Gittos, Helen and Hamilton, Sarah, eds, Understanding Medieval Liturgy: Essays in Interpretation (Farnham, 2016), 125–58Google Scholar, at 126–7.

²⁸ On this point, see the brief observations by Helen Gittos, ‘Researching the History of Rites’, in eadem and Hamilton, eds, Understanding Medieval Liturgy, 13–37, at 20–2; Hamilton, ‘Interpreting Diversity’, especially 128; eadem, ‘The Early Pontificals: The Anglo-Saxon Evidence reconsidered from a Continental Perspective’, in Rollason, Leyser and Williams, eds, England and the Continent, 411–28; Parkes, Henry, The Making of Liturgy in the Ottonian Church: Books, Music and Ritual in Mainz, 950–1050 (Cambridge, 2015), 10–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁹ Reynolds, Roger E., Clerics in the Early Middle Ages: Hierarchy and Image, Variorum Collected Studies 669 (Aldershot, 1999)Google Scholar; idem, Clerical Orders in the Early Middle Ages: Duties and Ordination, Variorum Collected Studies 670 (Aldershot, 1999), especially XI, ‘The Ordination of Clerics in the Middle Ages’. For a helpful summary, see Barrow, Clergy, 28–9, 34–9.

³⁰ Paris, BN, MS Lat. 10575, the ‘Egbert Pontifical’: Two Anglo-Saxon Pontificals (the Egbert and Sidney Sussex Pontificals), ed. H. M. J. Banting, HBS 104 (London, 1989), 15–31; BN, MS Lat. 943, fols 45^r–61^r, the ‘Dunstan’ or ‘Sherborne’ Pontifical with digitized copy, online at: <http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b6001165p.r=sherborne?rk=21459;2>, accessed 25 February 2018; Rouen, Bibliothèque municipale MS 368 (A.27), the ‘Lanalet Pontifical’: Pontificale Lanaletense (Bibliothèque de la Ville de Rouen A.37, Cat. 368): A Pontifical formerly in use at St Germans Cornwall, ed. G. H. Doble, HBS 74 (London, 1937), 49–59; London, BL, Add. MS 57337, fols 36^v–51^v, the ‘Anderson Pontifical’ with digitized copy, online at: <http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=add_ms_57337>, accessed 6 June 2018, transcribed by Marie A. Conn, ‘The Dunstan and Brodie (Anderson) Pontificals: An Edition and Study’ (PhD thesis, University of Notre Dame, 1993), 231–45. See Roger Reynolds, ‘Christ as Cleric: The Ordinals of Christ’, in Clerics in the Early Middle Ages, II, 15.

³¹ For a full version of this text, see that in Claudius Pontifical I, edited in The Claudius Pontificals (from Cotton MS. Claudius A.iii in the British Museum), ed. D. H. Turner, HBS 97 (London, 1971), 33–4; for an abbreviated version, see that in the ‘Egbert Pontifical’, in Two Anglo-Saxon Pontificals, ed. Banting, 16.

³² Reynolds, Roger E., The Ordinals of Christ from their Origins to the Twelfth Century, Beiträge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters 7 (Berlin, 1978)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘Christ as Cleric’.

³³ Reynolds, ‘Christ as Cleric’, 4.

³⁴ This is my interpretation. Reynolds suggests these possibilities: ‘From their origins the Ordinals of Christ fulfilled a variety of functions. On the humblest level they could be used as space-fillers, practice pieces, and probationes pennae. At a slightly higher level they also served as wit sharpeners or puzzles for monks or clerics … [they have] affinity with erotematic literature. … They were used in the education and inspiration of clerical ordinands, and when a cleric was ordained, he could be asked about the origins and duties of the grade he was to receive in terms of an Ordinal of Christ’: ‘Christ as Cleric’, 10–11.

³⁵ ‘Presbiter fuit quando accepit panem in suis sanctis manibus similiter et calicem respiciens in caelum ad deum patrem suum gratias agens et benedixit presbiteros autem merito et sapientia dici non aetate intelligendum est presbiterum autem oportet benedicere offerre et bene preesse predicare et baptizare atque communicare quia his supradictis gradibus senior est et uicem aepiscopi in aecclesia facit. Non enim propter decrepitam senectutem sed propter sapientiam presbiteri nominantur’: BN, MS Lat. 943, fol. 46^r. Compare the texts in the ‘Egbert Pontifical’, in Two Anglo-Saxon Pontificals, ed. Banting, 18; in the ‘Lanalet Pontifical’, in Pontificale Lanaletense, ed. Doble, 49; and in the ‘Anderson Pontifical’, in Conn, ‘Dunstan and Brodie (Anderson) Pontificals’, 232.

³⁶ Reynolds, ‘Christ as Cleric’, 15.

³⁷ BN, MS Lat. 943, fols 49^v–50^r.

³⁸ The digitized copy shows the inclusion of interlinear alternatives, such as ‘uel uobis’ above ‘tibi’: ibid., fol. 49^v: <http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b6001165p/f104.image.r=sherborne>, accessed 25 February 2018. See similar interlinear alternatives to allow for plural ordination in the Anderson Pontifical: BL, Add. MS 57337, fols 42^v–46^r: <http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=add_ms_57337_fs001r>, accessed 7 June 2018; and in the Lanalet Pontifical: Pontificale Lanaletense, ed. Doble, 55–7.

³⁹ BN, MS Lat. 943, fols 54^v–59^r.

⁴⁰ Ibid., fols 7^r–8^v; on this manuscript as one of several pontificals made for a particular bishop in this period, see Hamilton, ‘Early Pontificals’, 422–7; on the use of the first person in the rubric for the rite for church dedication as evidence for Dunstan's reforming interests, see Gittos, Helen, Liturgy, Architecture, and Sacred Places in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford, 2013), 224–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴¹ Oxford, Bodl., MS Canon. Lit. 359, fols 24^v–33^v. For a description, see A Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, 4, ed. Falconer Madan (Oxford, 1897), 390–1 (no. 19444). Although known to musicologists and liturgical scholars, it has not been the subject of sustained study: see entry in the Bodleian Library's bibliographical database, online at: <https://medieval.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/catalog/manuscript_3041>, accessed 7 June 2018.

⁴² Bodl., MS Canon. Lit. 359, fol. 26^r.

⁴³ Vykoukal, Ernest, ‘Les Examens du clergé paroissial à l’époque carolingienne’, RHE 14 (1913), 81–96Google Scholar; Rhijn, Carine van, ‘Karolingische priesterexamens en het probleem van correctio op het platteland’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 125 (2012), 158–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; eadem, ‘“Et hoc considerat episcopus, ut ipsi presbyteri non sint idiothae”: Carolingian local Correctio and an unknown Priests’ Exam from the Early Ninth Century’, in Rob Meens et al., eds, Religious Franks: Religion and Power in the Frankish Kingdoms. Studies in Honour of Mayke de Jong (Manchester, 2016), 162–80.

⁴⁴ On the wider programme, see especially Charlemagne's Admonitio generalis (789) and the text known to modern readers as the Instructio pastoralis and attributed to Archbishop Arn of Salzburg: Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Grossen, MGH Fontes n.s. 16, 220 (§68); Étaix, Raymond, ‘Un manuel de pastorale de l’époque Carolingienne (Clm 27152)’, RB 91 (1981), 105–30Google Scholar. For a recent overview of the Carolingian material, see van Rhijn, ‘“Et hoc considerat episcopus”’.

⁴⁵ For details of the nine texts and the number of ninth-century copies, see van Rhijn, ‘“Et hoc considerat episcopus”’, 165 n. 12.

⁴⁶ Waltcaud survives in a copy variously dated to the late ninth or the first half of the tenth century: Cologne, Erzdiöcesan- und Dombibliothek, MS 120 (s. ix^4/4/xⁱⁿ), (MGH Capit. episc. 1, 24, 44, which dates it to s. x¹; for dating to the last quarter of the ninth century, see Bischoff, Bernhard, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhundert, 1: Aachen-Lambach [Wiesbaden, 1998], 400Google Scholar). For a full description of this manuscript, see Zechiel-Eckes, Klaus, Die Concordia canonum des Cresconius. Studien und Edition, Freiburger Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen Geschichte Studien und Texte 5, 2 vols (Frankfurt am Main, 1992), 2: 319–21Google Scholar. ‘Dic mihi pro quid’ survives in six ninth-century manuscripts, one from the twelfth century and three from the tenth and eleventh centuries plus one fragment: Barcelona, Biblioteca de la Universidad de Barcelona, MS 228 (s.x^ex / s.xiⁱⁿ); Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 256 (s. xi); BN, MS lat. 1008 (s. ix/x); BN, MS lat. 13092 (s. xi) (fragment), identified by van Rhijn in ‘“Et hoc considerat episcopus”’, 175–6.

⁴⁷ According to its most recent editor, Peter Brommer, it survives in some seventeen ninth-century and nineteen tenth- and eleventh-century copies: MGH Capit. episc. 1, 75–99.

⁴⁸ Van Rhijn, ‘“Et hoc considerat episcopus”’, 168–9; Hartmann, Wilfried, ‘Neue Texte zur bischöflichen Reformgesetzgebung aus den Jahren 829/31. Vier Diözesansynoden Halitgars von Cambrai’, Deutsches Archiv 25 (1979), 368–94Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ For instance, ‘Dic mihi pro quid’ was copied alongside Gregory's Dialogues in a twelfth-century manuscript, El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo, MS Q. III. 10: see the description in Zapke, Susana, ed., Hispania Vetus: Musical-Liturgical Manuscripts from Visigothic Origins to the Franco-Roman Transition, Ninth to Twelfth Centuries (Bilbao, 2007), 368–9Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ On this collection, see Ker, Neil R., Catalogue of Manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon (Oxford, 1957), 412–16Google Scholar (no. 338); Gneuss, Helmut and Lapidge, Michael, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts. A Bibliographical Handlist of Manuscripts and Manuscript Fragments written or owned in England up to 1100 (Toronto, ON, 2014), 495–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar (no. 644).

⁵¹ Helen Foxhall-Forbes is currently researching this collection. See her ‘Affective Piety and the Practice of Penance in late Eleventh-Century Worcester: The Address to the Penitent in Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 121’, Anglo-Saxon England 44 (2015), 309–45; eadem, ‘Making Books for Pastoral Care in late Eleventh-Century Worcester: Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius MS 121 and Hatton MSS 113 + 114’ (forthcoming); I am extremely grateful to her for generously letting me read her research ahead of publication and follow here her conclusion that this manuscript is a collection compiled to support the education of local priests.

⁵² Whitelock, D., Brett, M. and Brooke, C. N. L., eds, Councils and Synods with other Documents Relating to the English Church, 1: 871–1066 (Oxford, 1981), 422–7Google Scholar (no. 57). This text is discussed by Foxhall-Forbes, ‘Making Books’, 15–16, eadem, Heaven and Earth in Anglo-Saxon England: Theology and Society in an Age of Faith (Farnham, 2013), 40, 49; Barrow, Clergy, 34.

⁵³ On Wulfstan's likely authorship, see Lionarons, Joyce Tally, The Homiletic Writings of Archbishop Wulfstan: A Critical Study (Woodbridge, 2010), 39–40Google Scholar. On Wulfstan's conception of the bishop as teacher of teachers, see Gates, Jay Paul, ‘Preaching, Politics and Episcopal Reform in Wulfstan's early Writings’, EME 23 (2015), 93–116Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Whitelock, Brett and Brooke, eds, Councils and Synods, 1: 423 (§§6–8). On its manuscript context, see Foxhall-Forbes, ‘Making Books’, 15–16.

⁵⁵ Whitelock, Brett and Brooke, eds, Councils and Synods, 1: 424 (§9). Compare the four days in Regino of Prüm, Libri duo, 1.453 (ed. Hartmann, 228–30, at 228), copied by Burchard, Decretum 2.1 (PL 140, col. 625); this canon, attributed by both Regino and Burchard to the Council of Nantes, is one of Regino's ‘capitula incerta’ for which there is no known source: Hartmann, ‘Die Capita incerta’. The closest parallel in the Frankish priests’ examinations is the requirement in the Halitgarian ‘Primitus cum venerint’ that the bishop should check whether the candidate is lettered and well taught, whether priests and good witnesses will testify for him, and whether he knows the documents of the faith: Hartmann, ‘Neue Texte’, 392.

⁵⁶ Whitelock, Brett and Brooke, eds, Councils and Synods, 1: 424 (§10).

⁵⁷ Ibid. 424–5 (§§11–13).

⁵⁸ For knowledge of correct baptismal prayers for both sexes, plural and singular: ‘Primum omnium’, ed. in Vykoukal, ‘Les Examens du clergé paroissial’, 85. For knowledge of creeds, see, for example, Waltcaud of Liège, Capitula 2 (MGH Capit. episc. 1, 46); and the Halitgarian ‘Primitus cum venerint’, ed. in Hartmann, ‘Neue Texte’, 393; for creeds, exorcism, gospels, homilies, and books of pastoral care (the editor suggests this is possibly an allusion to Gregory the Great's Regula pastoralis) and canons, see Capitula Frisingensia prima 1–2, 5, 11–14 (MGH Capit. episc. 3, 204–5).

⁵⁹ Whitelock, Brett and Brooke, eds, Councils and Synods, 1: 425 (no. 57, §§14–16).

⁶⁰ Ibid. 425–6 (§§17–20).

⁶¹ Ibid. 426–7 (§21).

⁶² For a helpful introduction, see Fletcher, Richard, ‘An Epistola Formata from León’, BIHR 45 (1972), 122–8Google Scholar.

⁶³ On the importance such letters in canon law, see the restatement of practice by the Council of Ravenna in 998: Die Konzilien Deutschlands und Reichsitaliens 916–1001, 2 vols, MGH Conc. 6/2, 546.

⁶⁴ For example, see Formulae Merowingici et Karolini Aevi, MGH L 5, 162, 218, 383, 387, 408–9, 519, 557–68; Eugène de Rozière, Recueil général des formules usitées dans l'Empire des Francs du V^e au X^e siècle, 3 vols (Paris, 1859–71), 3: nos 645, 647–8.

⁶⁵ PL 129, col. 1396. On the letter of Ratbod concerning Gislemarus, see van Rhijn, Shepherds of the Lord, 176.

⁶⁶ ‘Quia mirari vos scio, immo murmurare, quod est peius, non nescio, quod tertio iam vos vocavi et quasi nihil vobiscum egi, ne frustra hoc me fecisse putetis, fateor, quia explorandi vos causa hoc feci, et quales vos me inventurum estimavi, tales, pro nefas, inveni’: Die Briefe des Bischofs Rather von Verona, MGH BdK 1, 124–5 (no. 25) (‘I know that you are surprised – or rather [which is worse] I know that you grumble – that I have summoned you three times now and yet seem to have done nothing with you. So you should not think that I have done this to no purpose, I admit that I have done it in order to examine you, and I have found you to be such, alas, as I thought that I would find you to be’: The Complete Works of Rather of Verona, transl. Peter L. D. Reid, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 76 [Binghamton, NY, 1991], 444 [no. 43]). For consideration of Rather's attempts at reform of the Veronese clergy, see Weigle, Fritz, ‘Ratherius von Verona im Kampf um das Kirchengut 961–68’, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 28 (1937–8), 1–35Google Scholar; Louis F. Lumaghi, ‘Rather of Verona: Pre-Gregorian Reformer’ (PhD thesis, University of Colorado at Boulder, 1975), 69–71; Miller, Maureen C., The Formation of a Medieval Church: Ecclesiastical Change in Verona, 950–1150 (Ithaca, NY, 1993), 45–50Google Scholar. None of these works pay sustained attention to this text.

⁶⁷ MGH BdK 1, 144 (no. 26); Complete Works of Rather, transl. Reid, 473 (no. 47).

⁶⁸ ‘De psalmis et huiusmodi … Sciscitatur utque de fide, illorum inveni plurimos neque ipsum sapere symbolum, qui fuisse creditur apostolorum’: MGH BdK 1, 144–5 (no. 26); Complete Works of Rather, transl. Reid, 473 (no. 47).

⁶⁹ ‘Quicumque vult ergo sacerdos in nostra paroechia esse aut fieri aut permanere, illas tres memoriter nobis recitet, cum proxime a nobis huc vocatus fuerit’: MGH BdK 1, 125 (no. 25); Complete Works of Rather, transl. Reid, 445 (no. 43).

⁷⁰ ‘Ista et illis similia quia vos penitus nescire doleo, immo de talibus nil curare gemisco pastoraliter ut addiscere festinetis, praecipio, et quia sermone ignoratus, bono exemplo Dei populum erudire, quaeso, studeatis’: MGH BdK 1, 129 (no. 25); Complete Works of Rather, transl. Reid, 448 (no. 43).

⁷¹ MGH BdK 1, 130–5 (no. 25); cf. Admonitio synodalis, ed. Robert Amiet, in ‘Une “Admonitio synodalis” de l’époque carolingienne. Étude critique et édition’, Mediaeval Studies 26 (1964), 12–82.

⁷² MGH BdK 1, 145–6 (no. 26); Complete Works of Rather, transl. Reid, 474 (no. 47).

⁷³ See the works listed in n. 66; cf. also Hubertus Siebert, ‘Rather von Verona, Abt von Lobbes, Bischof von Verona (931–34, 946–8, 961–68) und Lüttich (953–55)’, Neue Deutsche Biographie, 25 vols (Berlin, 1953–2012), 21: 176–8; Hans Martin Schaller, ‘Rather, Bischof von Verona und Lüttich (d. 974)’, Lexikon des Mittelalters, 9 vols (Munich, 1977–99), 7: 457–8.

⁷⁴ ‘Sacerdotibus. Ut episcopi diligenter discutiant per suas parrochias presbyteros, eorum fidem, baptisma et missarum celebrationes, ut et fidem rectam teneant et baptisma catholicum observent et missarum preces bene intellegant, et ut psalmi digne secundum divisiones versuum modulentur et dominicam orationem ipsi intellegant et omnibus praedicent intellegendam’: MGH Fontes n.s. 16, 220 (§68); transl. in King, P. D., Charlemagne: Translated Sources (Kendal, 1987), 216Google Scholar. On the role of subdivision of psalms into smaller parts, verses and half-verses to support the performance of choral psalmody in the Carolingian period, and the challenges caused by variations in division, see Rankin, Susan, ‘Singing the Psalter in the Early Middle Ages’, in DiCenso, Daniel J. and Maloy, Rebecca, eds, Chant, Liturgy, and the Inheritance of Rome: Essays in Honour of Joseph Dyer, HBS Subsidia 7 (London, 2017), 270–89Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ For example: ‘Et hoc consideret episcopus, ut ipsi presbyteri non sint idiothae, sed sacras scripturas legant et intellegant, ut secundum traditionem Romane ecclesiae possint instruere, et fidem catholicam debeant ipsi agere et populos sibi commissos docere, missas secundum consuetudinem caelebrare, sicut romana traditio nobis tradidit’: Arno of Salzburg (c.798), §4, in Étaix, Raymond, ‘Un Manuel de pastorale de l’époque Carolingienne (Clm, 27152)’, RB 91 (1981), 105–30Google Scholar, at 117; ‘Fidem catholicam sancti Athanasii et cetera quaecumque de fide, symbolum etiam apostolicam, orationem dominicam ad intellegendum pleniter cum expositione’: Waltcaud of Liège, Capitula 2 (MGH Capit. episc. 1, 46).

⁷⁶ On early medieval psalmody, see Rankin, ‘Singing the Psalter’.

⁷⁷ ‘Psalmos vero, quomodo a presbiteris tenentur vel intelleguntur’: Waltcaud of Liège, Capitula 2 (creeds), 14 (Psalms; MGH Capit. episc. 1, 46, 48).

⁷⁸ ‘Ut unusquisque presbiterorum expositionem symboli atque orationis dominicae iuxta traditionem ortodoxorum patrum plenius discat et exinde predicando populum sibi commissum sedulo instruat. Praefationem quoque canonis et eundem canonem intellegat et memoriter ac distincte proferre valeat et orationes missarum, apostolum quoque et evangelium bene legere possit. Psalmorum etiam verba et distinctiones regulariter ex corde cum canticis consuetudinariis pronuntiare sciat. Nec non et sermonem Athanasii de fide, cuius initium est “Quicumque vult salvus esse”, memorie quisque commendet et sensum illius intellegat et verbis com munibus enuntiare queat’: Hincmar of Rheims, Capitula 1.1 (MGH Capit. episc. 2, 34–5).

⁷⁹ Boynton, Susan, ‘Training for the Liturgy as a Form of Monastic Education’, in Ferzoco, George and Muessig, Carolyn, eds, Medieval Monastic Education (London, 2000), 7–20Google Scholar; eadem, ‘The Liturgical Role of Children in Monastic Customaries from the Central Middle Ages’, Studia Liturgica 28 (1998), 194–209, especially 199–200. From the eleventh century onwards, there is evidence that adult novices were expected to memorize psalms and hymns through silent reading of books: eadem, ‘Orality, Literacy and the early Notation of the Office Hymns’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 56 (2003), 99–168, at 149–57.

⁸⁰ Rather's contemporary, Bishop Atto of Vercelli (924–61), also attached importance to knowledge of the Creed: ‘Ut omnes fidem catholicam memoriter teneant. Primo omnium fidem catholicam omnes presbiteri et diacones seu subdiacones memoriter teneant’: Atto of Vercelli, Capitula 4 (MGH Capit. episc. 3, 266–7). For reasons of space it has not been possible to consider Atto's work here, but see Wemple, Suzanne Fonay, Atto of Vercelli: Church, State and Christian Society in Tenth-century Italy, Temi e Testi 27 (Rome, 1979)Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Capitula by Ghaerbald of Liège I, Theodulf of Orléans I and II and Radulf of Bourges are found in manuscripts of canon law associated with Archbishop Wulfstan of Worcester and York: Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 265, 20–2, 51–8, 113–42; Bodl., MS Barlow 37, fols 14^v–15^r, 19^r–21^v, 25^r–26^v, 27^r–31^r (MGH Capit. episc. 1, 8–10); other copies of Theodulf are in Corpus Christi College, MS 201, 179–269; Bodl., MS Bodley 865, fols 97–112; Ghaerbald I is found in legal collections such as BL, MS Cotton Nero A.i (B), fols 127^v–129^v; Bodl., MS Bodley 718, fols 3^r–5^r, as well as in the ‘Dunstan’, ‘Egbert’ and ‘Lanalet’ pontificals: BN, MS lat. 943, fols 149^r–150^v; Pontifical, BN, MS lat. 10575, fols 6^v–9^r, Rouen, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 368, fols 178^v–180^v (MGH Capit. episc. 1, 8, 10). For a summary of recent scholarship on these manuscripts, see Gneuss and Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts. For consideration of these texts within their wider manuscript context, see Wormald, Patrick, The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century, 1: Legislation and its Limits (Oxford, 1999), 198–219Google Scholar. On the relationship between Ghaerbald's Capitulary and Wulfstan's episcopal statutes, see Elliot, Michael, ‘Ghaerbald's First Capitulary, the Excerptiones Pseudo-Ecghberhti and the Sources of Wulfstan's Canons of Edgar’, Notes and Queries 57 (2010), 161–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸² ‘Ælfric's First Old English Pastoral Letter for Wulstan, Archbishop of York’, Die Hirtenbriefe Ælfrics, ed. B. Fehr, Bibliothek der angelsachsischen Prosa 9 (Hamburg, 1914), repr. with a supplement to the introduction by Peter Clemoes (Darmstadt, 1966), 68–145; available with transl. in Whitelock, Brett and Brooke, eds, Councils and Synods, 1: 255–302 (no. 46). On this correspondence, see Malcolm Godden, ‘The Relations of Wulfstan and Ælfric’, Hill, Joyce, ‘Archbishop Wulfstan: Reformer?’, in Townend, Matthew, ed., Wulfstan, Archbishop of York: The Proceedings of the Second Alcuin Conference (Turnhout, 2004), 353–74Google Scholar, 309–24 respectively; eadem, ‘Monastic Reform and the Secular Church’, in Carola Hicks, ed., England in the Eleventh Century: Proceedings of the 1990 Harlaxton Symposium, Harlaxton Medieval Studies 2 (Stamford, 1992), 103–17.

⁸³ ‘Ælfric's First Old English Pastoral Letter’, §§2, 4 (Whitelock, Brett and Brooke, eds, Councils and Synods, 1: 260–1).

⁸⁴ Ibid., §§157–64 (Whitelock, Brett and Brooke, eds, Councils and Synods, 1: 291–3).

⁸⁵ Ibid., §§165–71 (Whitelock, Brett and Brooke, eds, Councils and Synods, 1: 293–4).

⁸⁶ Cameron, Angus et al. , eds, Dictionary of Old English: A to H Online (Toronto, ON, 2016)Google Scholar, online at: <http://www.doe.utoronto.ca>, accessed 2 March 2018.

⁸⁷ Compare the allusion to how no craftsmen can work well without tools in reference to a schoolboy who comes to his lesson without writing implements, in Anglo-Saxon Conversations: The Colloquies of Ælfric Bata, ed. Scott Gwara, transl. David W. Porter (Woodbridge, 1997), 112–13. This passage and also the description of the monk's calling as an ars or cræft, similar but superior to that of a blacksmith, other metal-smith, carpenter or worker, in Ælfric's Colloquy, are discussed by Crick, Julia, ‘Learning and Training’, in eadem and van Houts, Elisabeth, eds, A Social History of England, 900–1200 (Cambridge, 2011), 352–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 358–9.

⁸⁸ ‘Ælfric's First Old English Pastoral Letter’, §§157–8 (Whitelock, Brett and Brooke, eds, Councils and Synods, 1: 291–2).

⁸⁹ Haito of Basle, Capitula 6 (MGH Capit. episc. 1, 211). See n. 26 above for the Latin.

⁹⁰ ‘Ut sacerdotes libros sibi necessarios correctos habeant, psalterium scilicet, lectionarium, evangelium, missalem, capitula, XL omelias et martyrologium’: Ruotger of Trier, Capitula 5 (MGH Capit. episc. 1, 63).

⁹¹ ‘Missalem plenarium, lectionarium et antiphonarium unaquaque ecclesia habeat’: MGH BdK 1, 131 (no. 25).

⁹² ‘Ut unusquisque secundum possibilitatem suam certare faciat de ornatu ecclesiae, scilicet in patenam et calicem, planetam et albam, missalem, lectionarium, martyrologium, paenitentialem, psalterium vel alios libros, quos potuerit, crucem, capsam, velut diximus iuxta possibilitatem suam’: Ghaerbald of Liège, Capitula II 9 (MGH Capit. episc. 1, 39–40).

⁹³ Carl I. Hammer, ‘Country Churches, Clerical Inventories and the Carolingian Renaissance in Bavaria’, ChH 49 (1980), 5–17. On book ownership by local priests and local churches, see Yitzhak Hen, ‘Priests and Books in the Merovingian Period’, in Patzold and van Rhijn, eds, Men in the Middle, 162–76; van Rhijn, ‘Manuscripts for Local Priests’.

⁹⁴ For England, see the evidence of the holdings of local churches assembled by Michael Lapidge, ‘Surviving Booklists from Anglo-Saxon England’, in idem and Gneuss, Helmut, eds, Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England: Studies presented to Peter Clemoes on the Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday (Cambridge, 1985), 33–89Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Keefe, Water and the Word, 1: 22–38, 160–3. Further manuscripts are identified in MGH Capit. episc. 4, 9. At a workshop on priests’ books held at the University of Utrecht on 4 November 2016, Carine van Rhijn suggested there might be as many as thirty-three manuscripts of the type classified by Keefe as ‘instruction-readers’ and some forty of those she identified as ‘school books’.

⁹⁶ Keefe, Water and the Word, 1: 143–55.

⁹⁷ See also van Rhijn's point that annotations and additions in later hands testify to the use of ninth-century books in later centuries: ‘Pastoral Care and Prognostics’, 273.

⁹⁸ Bischoff, Bernhard, Die südostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit, 2 vols (Wiesbaden, 1960–80)Google Scholar, 2: 230, for attribution to north-east Frankia; for description, see Haggenmüller, Reinhold, Die Überlieferung der Beda und Egbert zugeschriebenen Bußbücher (Frankfurt am Main, 1991), 70Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Quentin, Henri, Les Martyrologes historiques du moyen âge. Etude sur la formation du martyrologe romain (Paris, 1907), 26–7Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Körntgen, Ludger, Studien zu den Quellen der frühmittelalterlichen Bußbücher, Quellen und Forschungen zum Recht im Mittelalter 7 (Sigmaringen, 1993), 239–41Google Scholar; idem, ‘Bußbuch und Bußpraxis in der zweiten Hälfte des 9. Jahrhunderts’, in Wilfried Hartmann, ed., Recht und Gericht in Kirche und Welt um 900 (Munich, 2007), 197–215, at 206–7.

¹⁰¹ C. H. Turner, ‘The “Liber Ecclesiasticarum Dogmatum” attributed to Gennadius’, JThS 7 (1905), 78–99; idem, ‘Supplenda’, JThS 8 (1906), 103–14. Although written in the context of fifth-century debates about heresy, Gennadius's text focuses on the significance and conduct of pastoral rites for baptism, the eucharist and penance, making it a useful teaching aid.

¹⁰² MGH Capit. episc. 1: 34–5, 83; 3: 22–3; 4: 89.

¹⁰³ This text is a compendium, including Rufinus's Historia Monachorum 1.4.4, 1.5.2, 7.1, 7.6, 9.4.1, 9.5.1, 11.9.1; and Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica 5.12, 5.13-14. I should like to thank Robert Evans for his help in identifying the elements of this text.

¹⁰⁴ BL, Add. MS 19725, fol. 1^r: ‘Oratio in ramis palmarum: Deus qui temporibus noae famuli tui …’. The text is found in the sacramentary-pontifical made for Ratoldus, abbot of Corbie (972–86): The Sacramentary of Ratoldus (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 12052), ed. Nicholas Orchard, HBS 116 (London, 2005), 185 (no. 810); it is also extant in the pontifical-benedictional copied in early eleventh-century England, apparently from a north-east Frankish exemplar, and associated with Archbishop Wulfstan: Turner, ed., Claudius Pontificals, 63.

¹⁰⁵ Kerff, Franz, ‘Frühmittelalterliche pharmazeutische Rezepte aus dem Kloster Tegernsee’, Sudhoffs Archiv 67 (1983), 111–16Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Haines, Dorothy, ed. and transl., Sunday Observance and the Sunday Letter in Anglo-Saxon England, Anglo-Saxon Texts 8 (Cambridge, 2010), 204–5Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ BL, Add. MS 19725, fols 7^r (Odrada), 14^r (Osanna). Another possibility is that a female house evolved into a house of secular canons, along the lines of the female house of Antoing near Tournai, which had transformed into a house of secular canons by the mid-tenth century following its transfer to the male monastery of Lobbes in the late ninth century: Vanderputten, Steven, Dark Age Nunneries: The Ambiguous Identity of Female Monasticism, 800–1050 (Ithaca NY, 2018), 74–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ See now the description of this manuscript in Paenitentialia Italiae Saeculi XI–XII, CChr.SL 156C, xlvii–lii.

¹⁰⁹ Hamilton, Sarah, ‘The Rituale: The Evolution of a New Liturgical Book’, in Swanson, R. N., ed., The Church and the Book, SCH 38 (Woodbridge, 2004), 74–86Google Scholar; the table is drawn from Appendix 2 (ibid. 85–6).

¹¹⁰ Edited by Bischoff, Bernhard, ‘Ein karolingische “Vita Pastoralis”: “Sedulius, Carmen alpha”’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 37 (1981), 559–75Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ For attribution, see Salmon, Pierre, ‘Un “Libellus Officialis” du XI^e siècle’, RB 87 (1977), 257–88Google Scholar; for doubts about this, see Martini, Paola Supino, Roma a l'area grafica Romanesca (secoli X–XII), Biblioteca di scrittura e civiltà 1 (Alessandria, 1987), 73–4Google Scholar n. 75.

¹¹² A digital copy can be viewed at Parker Library on the Web, online at: <parker.stanford.edu>, accessed 9 March 2017.

¹¹³ See descriptions online (n. 112 above) and in Ker, Catalogue, 119–21 (no. 70); Budny, Mildred, Insular, Anglo-Saxon and early Anglo-Norman Manuscript Art at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge: An Illustrated Catalogue, 2 vols (Kalamazoo, MI, 1997), 1: 645–66Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Ker, Catalogue, 120; Hohler, Christopher, ‘The Red Book of Darley’, Nordiskt Kollokvium i Latinsk Liturgiforskning 2 (Stockholm, 1972), 39–47Google Scholar, at 40.

¹¹⁵ For this assessment of the current scholarship and for what follows, I am indebted to Gittos, Helen, ‘Is there any Evidence for the Liturgy of Parish Churches in Late Anglo-Saxon England? The Red Book of Darley and the Status of Old English’, in Tinti, Francesca, ed., Pastoral Care in Late Anglo-Saxon England (Woodbridge, 2005), 63–82Google Scholar. For the suggestion that it constitutes one piece of evidence amongst many that monasteries in later Anglo-Saxon England were supportive of, and involved in the delivery of, pastoral care, see Tinti, Francesca, ‘Benedictine Reform and Pastoral Care in Late Anglo-Saxon England’, EME 23 (2015), 229–51Google Scholar, at 243–4. For a more recent account of scriptorium and provenance, see Gneuss and Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, 118–19 (no. 111). For the attribution to Sherborne on the grounds of the mention of the local cult of Wulfsige in the calendar, see Keynes, Simon, ‘Wulfsige, Monk of Glastonbury, Abbot of Westminster (c.990–3), and Bishop of Sherborne (c.993–1002)’, in Barker, Katherine, Hinton, David A. and Hunt, Alan, eds, St Wulfsige and Sherborne: Essays to celebrate the Millennium of the Benedictine Abbey 998–1998 (Oxford, 2005), 53–94Google Scholar, at 75–6.

¹¹⁶ For a detailed description of the contents, see James, M. R., A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 2 vols (London, 1912), 2: 315–22Google Scholar; also available, together with a modern bibliography, at Parker Library on the Web; for a recent summary, see Gittos, ‘Red Book’, 68–9. On the ordeal by bread and cheese, see Keefer, Sarah Larratt, ‘Ut in omnibus honorificetur Deus: The Corsnæd Ordeal in Anglo-Saxon England’, in Hill, Joyce and Swan, Mary, eds, The Community, the Family and the Saint: Patterns of Power in Early Medieval Europe (Turnhout, 1998), 237–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Gittos, ‘Is there any Evidence?’, 69.

¹¹⁸ Ibid. 70–5; Page, R. I., ‘Old English Liturgical Rubrics in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge MS 422’, Anglia 96 (1978), 149–58Google Scholar; Graham, T., ‘The Old English Liturgical Directions in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 422’, Anglia 111 (1993), 439–46Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Gittos, ‘Red Book’, 76; the phrase originates with Kelly, Susan: ‘Anglo-Saxon Lay Society and the Written Word’, in McKitterick, Rosamond, ed., The Uses of Literacy in Early Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 1990), 36–62Google Scholar, at 50.

¹²⁰ For an example of another bilingual collection of liturgical and penitential texts compiled at Worcester Cathedral for the education of the pastoral clergy, see Victoria Thompson, ‘The Pastoral Contract in Late Anglo-Saxon England: Priest and Parishioner in Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud Miscellaneous 482’, in Tinti, ed., Pastoral Care, 106–20.

¹²¹ Keefer, Water and the Word, 1: 143–55; Hen, Yitzhak, The Royal Patronage of Liturgy in Frankish Gaul: To the Death of Charles the Bald (877), HBS Subsidia 3 (London, 2001)Google Scholar.

¹²² Brentano, Robert, Two Churches: England and Italy in the Thirteenth Century (Princeton, NJ, 1968)Google Scholar; Davis, Adam J., The Holy Bureaucrat: Eudes Rigaud and Religious Reform in Thirteenth-Century Normandy (Ithaca, NY, 2006)Google Scholar.