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Coronets and Altars: Aristocratic Women’s and Men’s Support for the Oxford Movement in Scotland during the 1840s

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Rowan Strong*
Affiliation:
Murdoch University

Extract

The Oxford Movement has been portrayed in its classic historiography as both clericalist and, in so far as all nineteenth-century Anglican clergy were male, a movement of masculine leadership and initiatives. This is not to deny that the movement was largely priest-led and therefore male in its leadership but ‘largely’ does not mean ‘exclusively’. By looking at the introduction of the Oxford Movement into Scotland, a neglected aspect of its dissemination can be restored, that is, the importance of the laity and of women in the spread of Tractarianism. In Scotland the initial impetus given to Oxford Movement ideals and projects lay not with the clergy but with the aristocratic laity. It also was not the preserve of men, for among its first great supporters in Scotland was a woman, Cecil Chetwynd, widow of John William Robert Kerr, seventh Marquess of Lothian. She would become one of the leading Scottish Tractarians during the 1840s until her conversion to Roman Catholicism in 1851 as a consequence of the Gorham judgement.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1998

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References

1 The classic account of the movement, Church, R. W., The Oxford Movement: Twelve Years 1833–1845 (London, 1891)Google Scholar, was by a priest and largely about priests, because it recalled the university phase of the movement from 1833 to 1845. This exclusive masculine treatment of the Oxford Movement continues in recent history, as in Rowell, Geoffrey, The Vision Glorious: Themes and Personalities of the Catholic Revival in Anglicanism (Oxford, 1953)Google Scholar, a series of studies of Oxford Movement leaders, all clergy and therefore males.

2 Edinburgh, Scottish Record Office [hereafter SRO], GD 40/15/70(3), Journal of the 7th Marquess of Lothian, 28 June 1838 to 23 Nov. 1840, for Sunday, 20 Jan. 1841. After family prayers the Lothians went off to the local kirk of the Church of Scotland.

3 Ibid., 20 Jan. 1841, p. 13.

4 Kerr, Cecil, Cecil Marchioness of Lothian: A Memoir (London, 1922)Google Scholar. This remains the major source for the Marchioness’s life despite extensive efforts to trace the diaries and letters used by her memorialist There is an earlier memorial of her by Fr P. Gallwey S. J., Salvage from the Wreck: A Few Memories of Friends Departed, Preserved in Funeral Discourses (London, 1890), pp. 125–63. However, in a funeral sermon for the ex-Episcopalian Roman Catholic Lady Lothian, Gallwey does not dwell upon the Episcopalian period of her life.

5 Kerr, Marchioness, p. 8.

6 Ibid, pp. 2, 8.

7 Ibid, pp. 11–12.

8 Ibid., pp. 43–4.

9 Alumni Cantabrigienses: a Biographical List of all known Students, Graduates and Holders of Office at the University of Cambridge from the Earliest Times to 1900, ed. J. Venn and J. A. Venn, 10 vols (Cambridge, 1922–54), Part 2, vol. 4., p. 29.

10 Kerr, Marchioness, p. 44

11 Ibid., p. 45.

12 SRO, Buccleuch Muniments, GD 224/1025/1: Lady Lothian to the Duke of Buccleuch, 20 Oct. 1842.

13 ‘Orthodox’ is used here as the more contemporary self-designation of non-Tractarian High Churchmen. See Peter B. Nockles, The Oxford Movement in Context: Anglican High Churchmanship 1760–1857 (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 25–32.

14 When the Scottish Communion Office was under threat in the 1850s and 1860s, leading Tractarians were quick to its defence, as in J. M. Neale, An Earnest Plea for the Scottish Communion Office (London, 1862).

15 Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland [hereafter NLS], D’Orsey papers, MS 19325, fol. 54: Bishop Russell to the Revd D’Orsey, 2 Dec. 1847.

16 Kerr, Marchioness, pp. 45–6.

17 Ryric, A. C., A Vision Pursued: St John’s Church, Jedburgh, 1844–1994 (nd), p. 4.Google Scholar

18 Stephen, Thomas, The History of the Church of Scotland from the Reformation to the Present Time (London, 1845), p. 617.Google Scholar

19 Anson, Peter F., Fashions in Church Furnishings 1840–1940, 2nd edn (London, 1965), pp. 1025 Google Scholar (by confining himself to developments in the north east, Anson believes that ‘real progress’ in the ccclcsiological movement in Scotland only began in 1849); Nigel Yates, Buildings, Faith and Worship: the Liturgical Arrangement of Anglican Churches 1600–1900 (Oxford, 1991) (in an otherwise excellent survey the Scottish innovation at Jedburgh does not rate a mention in a history of ‘Anglican’ churches); Allan Maclean, ‘Episcopal worship in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries’, in Duncan B. Forrester and Douglas M. Murray, eds, Studies in the History of Worship in Scotland, 2nd edn (Edinburgh, 1996), pp. 107–25, only gives Jedburgh a passing mention despite recognizing that it had a ‘particular Tractarian tradition’ (pp. 115, 120).

20 Kerr, Marchioness, pp. 47, 49–50.

21 Ibid., p. 48.

22 Ibid, p. 51.

23 Nockles, The Oxford Movement in Context, pp. 27–306.

24 Kerr, Marchioness, p. 51.

25 Stephens, History of the Church of Scotland, p. 617.

26 Kerr, Marchioness, p. 54.

27 Lochhead, Marion, Episcopal Scotland in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1966), p. 89.Google Scholar

28 Church, The Oxford Movement, pp. 156–9.

29 Drummond, Andrew L. and Bulloch, James, The Church in Victorian Scotland 1843–1874 (Edinburgh, 1975), p. 205 Google Scholar. Family contact or even commitment to the Oxford Movement certainly seems likely, given the Talbot tradition of going up to Christ Church, Oxford. Two brothers were there during the 1830s; an older brother, resident during the 1820s, sent a son to the Anglo-Catholic Keble College; and her youngest brother Gilbert, at Christ Church from 1834–7, later became a Roman Catholic priest: Alumni Oxoniense: The Members of the University of Oxford 1715–1886, ed. Joseph Foster, 4 vols (Oxford, 1891), 4, pp. 1453–4.

30 Kerr, Marchioness, pp. 62–3, 73–4.

31 Ibid., p. 90.

32 Strong, Rowan, ‘High Churchmen and Anglo-Catholics: William Gladstone and the eucharistic controversy in the Scottish Episcopal Church 1857–60’, Journal of Religious History, 20 (1996), pp. 17584.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

33 NLS, MSS 3667–71, 3672–4 (Hope-Scott papers).

34 Farquhar, George T. S., A Short History of St Ninian’s Cathedral, Perth, to 1926 A. D. (Edinburgh, nd)Google Scholar.

35 Foster, Alumni Oxoniensis, pp. 1265, 147, 475.

36 SRO, Buccleuch Muniments, GD 224/1025/1: Lady Lothian to the Duke of Buccleuch, 20 Oct. 1842.

37 Cannadine, David, The Decline and Fall of the British Aristocracy (New Haven, CN, 1990), p. 7.Google Scholar

38 NLS, Hope-Scott papers, MS 3674, fol. 130: J. R. Hope to W. E. Gladstone, 6 Sept. 1840.

39 SRO, Buccleuch Muniments, GD 224/998/7(5): ‘Proposal for the Foundation of an Academical Institution in connection with the Scottish Episcopal Church’ (printed circular).

40 NLS, Hope-Scott papers, MS 3672, fol. 77: W. E. Gladstone to J. R. Hope, 16 Oct 1840.

41 Farquhar, George T., The Episcopal History of Perth 1689–1894 (Perth, 1894), pp. 2924.Google Scholar

42 Strong, Rowan, Alexander Forbes of Brechin: The First Tractarian Bishop (Oxford, 1995), p. 72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

43 Balfour, Frances, Life and Letters of the Reverend James MacGregor D. D. (London, 1912), pp. 82111.Google Scholar