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From Frontier to Mission: Networking by Unlikely Allies in the Church International, 1198–1216

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2016

Brenda Bolton
Affiliation:
Queen Mary and Westfield College, University of London
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Extract

The year 1198 witnessed the start of an unlikely alliance between a new pope and a long-established monastic order. It would have been considered unlikely because relationships between secular and regular branches of the church were often uneasy and sometimes even tense. 1198 was indeed a chance for a new beginning. In Rome on 8 January, the cardinals raised one of their fellows, the thirty-seven-year-old Lotario dei Conti di Segni, to the Chair of St Peter as Innocent III. In Burgundy, on 14 September, the Cistercian Order was beginning its second century of existence at Cîteaux. It was time, not only for a celebration of the hundredth anniversary but also for a radical reassessment of the motives of the foundation. Guido de Paray, presiding over the annual General Chapter by right as abbot of Cîteaux, read out to the assembled abbots a letter received from the new pope in Rome. Surely the coincidence of these two events could bring forth fruit in some form or other? For his part, Innocent, while stressing his youth and inexperience, earnestly begged the Cistercians to remember him in their prayers. By so doing he would be better enabled to fulfil the pastoral office to which he had recently been called. In a phrase that he was later to use to cities of the Patrimony, he reminded the order that, although Christ’s yoke was easy and the burden light, it was, nevertheless, of vital importance that it be taken up. Mary’s spiritual contemplation was to be just as vital as Martha’s activity! In return for their prayers, the pope made a personal threefold promise to the abbots. He stated his intention to watch carefully over their progress, to be ‘powerfully’ at hand for them in their necessities and, lastly, to provide a safeguard by his apostolic protection against the attacks of all those who were ill-intentioned. ‘These things we shall pursue the more willingly when we feel that we are supported by your prayers and merits. For it is right that the universal Church should pour forth its prayers for us and mitigate our inadequacy by its supplications’

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Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1994

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References

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39 Ibid. 311; ‘cum sis vir potens in opere ac sermone’.

40 L. Auvray, Les Registres de Grégoire IX, 4 vols, Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 2. sér., 9 (Paris, 1896–1955, 1: 710, col. 439; Manrique, A., Cisterciensium seu verius ecdesiasticorum annalium, IV (Lyon, 1659), 37 Google Scholar, for the full text of this letter.

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44 Griesser, B., ‘Rainer von Fossanova und seiner Brief an Abt Arnald von Cîteaux (1203)’, Cistercienser Chronik 60 (1953), 15167;Google Scholar Bolton, B., ‘Non Ordo sed Horror. Inno cent Ill’s Burgundian dilemma’, in Lorcin, M.-Th. et al., eds, Papauté, monachisme et théories politiques: Études d’histoire médiévales offertes à Marcel Pacaut (Lyon, 1994), 64552;Google Scholar repr. in eadem, Innocent III, no.VII; Robb, ‘Joachimist Exegesis’, esp. 139–44 Cariboni, ‘Huiusmodi verba gladium portant’, 124–8

45 In 1198, William II was abbot of La Ferté; in 1199 and 1201, Nicholas; and Odo in 1203: Gallia Christiana, 16 vols (Paris, 1715–1878 repr. Farnborough, 1970), 4, col. 1023; in 1202, John II was abbot of Pontigny, ibid., vol. 12, col. 444.

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49 ‘De Francia ad Angliam et de Anglia ad Franciam discurrendo’: Gesta Innocenta, PL 214, cap. CXXIX, cols cbdx-clxxi; Gress-Wright, Gesta, 318; Deeds of Innocent III, transl. Powell, 237.

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54 Caesarii Heisterbacensis, Liber Vili miraculorum, in Die Wundergeschichten des Caesarius von Heisterbach, ed. Hilka, A., 3 vols, Publikationen der Gesellschaft fur Rheinische Geschichtskunde 42 (Bonn, 1933–7), 2: 989;Google Scholar Bombi, B., ‘The Authority of Miracles: Caesarius of Heisterbach and the Livonian Crusade’, in Bolton, B. and Meek, C., eds, Aspects of Power and Authority in the Middle Ages, International Medieval Research 14 (Turnhout, 2007), 305–25 at 31820.Google Scholar See also Nielsen, Torben, ‘Mission and Submission: Societal Change in the Baltic in the Thirteenth Century’, in Lehtonen, Tuomas M. S. and Jensen, Kurt Villads, eds, Medieval History Writing and Crusading Ideology, Studia Fennica Histórica 9 (Helsinki, 2005), 21631.Google Scholar

55 Canivez, Statuto, 1: 251 (no. 12).

56 31 October 1206: Register, 9, ed. Sommerlechner et al., 317–19 (no. 175 [176]).

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58 Register, 1, ed. Hageneder and Haidacher, 135–8 (no. 94).

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61 PL 215, cols 1024–5

62 Peter de Vaux de Cernay, Hystoria Albigensis, 1: 51.

63 Ibid. 201.

64 Ibid. 135.

65 Canivez, Staluta, 1: 400 (no. 50).

66 Robert of Saint-Marien, Chronicon, MGH SS 26, 271.

67 Canivez, Statata, 1: 414 (no. 52).

68 Bolton,‘Via ascetica: A Papal Quandary’, in eadem, Innocent III, no.VI, at 180–2

69 Letter of 26 July 1216: Honorii III romani pontifias opera omnia, ed. C. Horoy, 6 vols (Paris 1870–80, vol. 2, col. 10, no. 8.

70 Maleczek, , Papst una Kardinakkolleg, 14750.Google Scholar

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