Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-dh8gc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-19T15:37:38.488Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Bookends: Seven Stories Excised from the Lost Promise of Progressivism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Eldon Eisenach
Affiliation:
University of Tulsa

Extract

[Author's note: Excising large chunks from book manuscripts is a common practice and rarely a loss to scholarly literature. Originally appended to various parts of my book manuscript on the intellectual origins of American Progressivism were seven stories to which I had become quite attached. I was surprised, therefore, when early readers suggested that I drop them because they interrupted the narrative flow of the text. I resisted this advice until their judgment was seconded by later readers and editors. Cut them I did. But to cut is not necessarily to run. They are offered separately here because they capture some of the main themes of The Lost Promise of Progressivism and indirectly call into question some major interpretive frameworks of American Progressivism, both as a system of ideas and as a defining moment in American political culture. They were to me something like minor Epiphanies, suddenly shifting my gaze and clarifying my views.]

Type
Perspective
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1996

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. Howe, Daniel Walker, The Political Culture of the American Whigs (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979)Google Scholar, and “Religion and Politics in the Antebellum North,” in Noll, Mark A., ed., Religion and American Politics from the Colonial Era to the 1980s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; and Kohl, Lawrence Frederick, The Politics of Individualism; Parties and the American Character in the Jacksonian Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989)Google Scholar.

2. Bacon, David Francis, Progressive Democracy, A discourse on the history, philosophy and tendency of American Politics (New York: Central Clay Committee, 1844)Google Scholar.

3. Ibid., 11.

4. Ibid., 11–12.

5. Ibid., 13 and 19–20.

6. Haskell, Thomas, The Emergence of Professional Social Science; The American Social Science Association and the Nineteenth Century Crisis of Authority (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1977)Google Scholar; Ross, Dorothy, “The Development of the Social Sciences in America, 1865–1920,” in Oleson, Alexandra and Voss, John, eds., The Organization of Knowledge in Modern America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979)Google Scholar, and Origins of American Social Science (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); and Barrow, Clyde, Universities and the Capitalist State; Corporate Liberalism and the Reconstruction of American Higher Education (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

7. Crunden, Robert M., Ministers of Reform: The Progressives' Achievement in American Civilization, 1889–1920 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Boyer, Paul, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820–1920 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978)Google Scholar.

8. Baldwin, James Mark, Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental Development (New York: Macmillan, 1906), 546Google Scholar.

9. Wilson, Raymond J., In Quest of Community: Social Philosophy in the United States, 1860–1920 (New York: Wiley, 1968), 7982Google Scholar.

10. Fine, Sidney, Laissez-Faire and the General Welfare State (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1956), 201Google Scholar.

11. See Pivar, David J., Purity Crusade: Sexual Morality and Social Control, 1868–1900 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1973)Google Scholar for background; and Bliss, William Dwight Porter, ed., The New Encyclopedia of Social Reform (New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1908), 978–86Google Scholar, on organizations and activities at that time.

12. Seligman, Edwin R. A., The Economic Interpretation of History, sec. ed., rev. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1907), 132, 155Google Scholar. Crunden, Ministers of Reform, in discussing the founding of the American Economics Association, says “Only Edwin Robert Anderson Seligman, a Jew destined for the leadership of the profession in the early twentieth century, was both an Ely confidant and outside the pale of evangelicalism,” 69–70 and see 274–78.

13. Crunden, Ministers of Reform, 43.

14. Ibid., 40–51; Dombrowski, James, The Early Days of Christian Socialism in America (New York: Octagon Books, 1966Google Scholar, reprint of 1936 edition), 171–93.

15. Dombrowski, The Early Days of Christian Socialism, 112–13.

16. Steiner, Edward A., The Immigrant Tide, its Ebb and Flow (New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1909), 273–74Google Scholar.

17. Ibid., 275.

18. During this same period, popular Jewish writers such as Mary Antin (From Plotzk to Boston, The Promised Land) and Israel Zangwill (The Melting Pot, Children of the Ghetto) expressed these same ideas. Both of these writers were published in Lyman Abbott's Outlook and became associated with Theodore Roosevelt.

19. Herberg, Will, Protestant, Catholic, Jew (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983Google Scholar, originally published 1955).

20. Fox, Daniel, The Discovery of Abundance: Simon N. Patten and the Transformation of Social Theory (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967), 41Google Scholar.

21. Ibid., 96.

22. Ibid., 125.

23. Ibid., 125. For Nearing's praise of Patten, see Nearing, Scott, Educational Frontiers: A Book About Simon N. Patten and Other Teachers (New York: T. Seltzer, 1925)Google Scholar. Recent studies of these founders of professional social science in American higher education tend either to ignore or to relegate to “formative influences” this persistent evangelical side. See, for example, Fox, The Discovery of Abundance (Patten); Coats, A. W., “Henry Carter Adams: A Case Study in the Emergence of the Social Sciences in the United States, 1850–1900,” Journal of American Studies 2 (1968): 179–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ross, “The Development of the Social Sciences in America” and Origins of American Social Science, on most of the leading social scientists in this period; Haskell, , The Emergence of Professional Social Science, and Bledstein, Burton J., The Culture of Professionalism; the Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York: Norton, 1976)Google Scholar on the professionalization of knowledge. Although there are many compelling reasons of identity for sustaining this lacuna in today's academic subculture – akin to the saving myth in the larger culture that the Prohibition movement began around World War I as the revenge of the yokels – this representation was not at all the case in the many detailed studies written in the 1930s and '40s. Studies of these same people and many others by Dombrowski, The Early Days of Christian Socialism; Dorfman, Joseph, The Economic Mind of American Civilization, vol. 3: 1865–1880 (New York: Viking Press, 1949)Google Scholar; Everett, John R., Religion in Economics: A Study of John Bates Clark, Richard T. Ely and Simon N. Patten (New York: King's Crown Press, 1946)Google Scholar; Fine, Laissez-Faire and the General Welfare State; Gabriel, Ralph H., The Course of American Democratic Thought (New York: Roland Press, 1940)Google Scholar; and Schneider, Herbert W., A History of American Philosophy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1946)Google Scholar, are quite straightforward in discussing this side of their lives and writings.

24. Weinstein, James, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State: 1900–1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968)Google Scholar; Hawley, Ellis W., “The Discovery of a ‘Corporate Liberalism’,” Business History Review 52 (1978): 309–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lustig, R. Jeffrey, Corporate Liberalism; The Origins of Modern American Political Theory, 1890–1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982)Google Scholar; Sklar, Martin J., The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism, 1890–1916 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Galambos, Louis, “The Emerging Organizational Synthesis in Modern American History,” Business History Review 44 (1970): 279–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an excellent discussion of this literature, its critics and its recent directions, see Balogh, Brian, “Reorganizing the Organizational Synthesis: Federal-Professional Relations in Modern America,” in Orren, Karen and Skowronek, Stephen, eds., Studies in American Political Development, vol. 5 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 119–47Google Scholar.

25. Hofstadter, Richard and Smith, Wilson, eds., American Higher Education, a Documentary History, vol. 1 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961), 552Google Scholar.

26. Ibid., 555–57.

27. White taught for a time at Michigan under Henry Tappan. Tappan, from upstate New York, was a Congregational clergymen, philosopher, and theologian. He was president of the University of Michigan from 1852 to 1863. In a book in 1851 and a collection of articles and lectures in 1858, Tappan vigorously defended the German idea of the university against both the English university and the American denominational college-cum-university, rehearsing many of the themes that became dominant after the Civil War. Excerpts from these books are presented in Hofstadter and Smith, American Higher Education, 488–511 and 515–45, as founding documents in the articulation of the values and purposes of a true university in America.

28. Balogh, Brian, “Democratizing Expertise: State Building and the Progressive Legacy,” paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Atlanta, Georgia, 09 1989, 18Google Scholar.

29. Ibid., 19–21.

30. Ibid., 22 and 29–30; and see Balogh, “Reorganizing the Organizational Synthesis,” 127–40.

31. Quoted from Fitzpatrick, Ellen, Endless Crusade: Women Social Scientists and Progressive Reform (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 95Google Scholar, and see 14–16, 52–58, and 92–129 for the biography of Davis. No bleeding heart, her treatment of those who refused to reform was strict isolation from the salvageable prison population, saying “it is the duty of the State to … segregate and colonize these women who are dangerous to the [prison] community who are moral imbeciles, just as we have colonized the mental imbeciles.” Ibid., 99.

32. Ibid., 105–06. This happened two years before the establishment of the Rockefeller Foundation. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., had been foreman of a grand jury convened in New York City in 1910 to investigate prostitution.

33. Ibid., 110–11. The secretary of the Rockefeller Bureau took the title in his name and leased the property to the reformatory for a nominal amount.

34. Ibid., 110.

35. Ibid., 107. New York charity and penal institutions had an earlier experience of self-constituted bodies acting as the state. An article in Century magazine in 1882 calls the reader's attention to “A Great Charity Reform” begun a decade earlier. The States Charities Aid Association consisted of volunteer groups of women who continuously inspected poor houses and similar institutions and wrote reports suggesting changes in operations, organization, and administration. These self-constituted bodies were, through state legislation, “appointed” by the State Board of Charities authorizing them to enter the institutions, inspect their records, etc. See Smally, E. V., “A Great Charity Reform,” Century 2 (07, 1882): 401–08Google Scholar.