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² See Pettit, Philip, Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 141–46Google Scholar. Compare Pocock, J. G. A., Virtue, Commerce, and History: Essays on Political Thought and History, Chiefly in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Lovett, Frank and Pettit, Philip, “Neorepublicanism: A Normative and Institutional Research Program,” Annual Review of Political Science 12 (2009): 11–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Among those who treat the theme are Pateman, Carole, The Sexual Contract (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 1988), 116–53Google Scholar; Okin, Susan, Justice, Gender, and the Family (New York: Basic Books, 1989), 134–69;Google ScholarYoung, Iris Marion, Intersecting Voices: Dilemmas of Gender, Political Philosophy, and Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997)Google Scholar; Hirschmann, Nancy, “Mill, Political Economy, and Women's Work,” American Political Science Review 102 (May 2008): 199–213CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For views that feminist theorists have given too little attention to class and work, see Brown, Wendy, States of Injury: Power and Freedom in Late Modernity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Gibson-Graham, J. K., The End of Capitalism (As We Knew It): A Feminist Critique of Political Economy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

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⁵ Of course, Addams is not the only American thinker who was concerned with the democratic character of work. See, for example, on Thoreau: Walker, Brian, “Thoreau's Alternative Economics: Work, Liberty, and Democratic Cultivation,” American Political Science Review 92 (December 1998): 845–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on Whitman: Beer, Samuel, “Liberty and Union: Walt Whitman's Idea of the Nation,” Political Theory 12 (August 1984): 361–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and on Herbert Croly: Winkelman, Joel M., “Herbert Croly on Work and Democracy,” Polity (January 2012): 81–105CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also, on work as a political right, Shklar, Judith N., American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

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¹⁴ Like many of her class, Addams was given the diagnosis of “neurasthenia” or nervous exhaustion. For more on the ideas and practices surrounding mental health in Addams's time, see Gosling, F. G., Before Freud: Neurasthenia and the American Medical Community (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Lutz, Tom, American Nervousness, 1903: An Anecdotal History (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

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¹⁷ On the economic thought of the period, see Fox, Daniel M., The Discovery of Abundance: Simon N. Patten and the Transformation of Social Theory (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1967)Google Scholar; Livingston, James, Pragmatism and the Political Economy of Cultural Revolution, 1850–1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997)Google Scholar; Sklansky, Jeffrey, The Soul's Economy: Market Society and Selfhood in American Thought, 1820–1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002)Google Scholar. Ross, Dorothy, The Origins of American Social Science (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991)Google Scholar remains the definitive history of American social science; see also Haskell, Thomas, The Emergence of Professional Social Science: The American Social Science Association and the Nineteenth-century Crisis of Authority (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ On Debs and American socialism, see Ginger, Ray, The Bending Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1949)Google Scholar; Currie, Harold, Eugene V. Debs (Boston: Twayne, 1976)Google Scholar; Salvatore, Nick, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982)Google Scholar. For more on Addams's relationship to socialism, see Hamington, Social Philosophy of Jane Addams. On Croly and scientific management, see Haber, Samuel, Efficiency and Uplift: Scientific Management in the Progressive Era, 1890–1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964)Google Scholar; Lustig, R. Jeffrey, Corporate Liberalism: The Origins of Modern American Political Theory, 1890–1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982)Google Scholar; Stears, Marc, Progressives, Pluralists, and the Problems of the State: Ideologies of Reform in the United States and Britain, 1909–1926 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002)Google Scholar.

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²⁰ Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, 116Google Scholar. For more on the political and social thought of the settlement movement, see Carson, Mina, Settlement Folk: Social Thought and the American Settlement Movement, 1885–1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990)Google Scholar and Davis, Allen F., Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890–1914 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984)Google Scholar. For more on the relationship between Addams and “the Chicago School,” see Deegan, Jane Addams and the Men of the Chicago School; Feffer, Andrew, The Chicago Pragmatists and American Progressivism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993)Google Scholar. For an overview of the period, Wiebe, Robert, The Search for Order, 1877–1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967)Google Scholar and Quandt, Jean, From the Small Town to the Great Community: The Social Thought of Progressive Intellectuals (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1970)Google Scholar remain excellent introductions.

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²⁴ On this count, Elshtain would agree in that she argues that middle-class family values would have included a broader sense of social responsibility central to citizenship. See ibid., 104–10.

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²⁷ Ibid., 93.

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³² Addams, Democracy and Social Ethics, 74Google Scholar. To be sure, Simon Patten also contended that women should work outside the home, writing several controversial articles in the popular press on the subject. However, Patten's arguments were rooted in economics rather than politics. As he saw it, industrialization had made domestic occupations inefficient and unproductive, effectively rendering them less valuable to the family. Despite the fact that mass production had lowered the cost of basic necessities, women who remained in the home decreased the family's income. See Patten, Simon, “Young Wives in Industry,” The Independent, December 1, 1904, 1244–49Google Scholar; “New Adjustments for Women,” The Independent, September 20, 1906, 674–81Google Scholar; “The Crisis in American Home Life,” The Independent, February 17, 1910, 342–46Google Scholar.

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³⁷ Addams, Democracy and Social Ethics, 178Google Scholar.

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⁴⁰ Ibid., 112.

⁴¹ In her concern with the type of social and economic consciousness produced by work, Addams's views were directly parallel to John Dewey's. However, Dewey emphasized the role of a reorganized curriculum and pedagogical practices of the public schools in bringing about this view of work. See Dewey, John, The School and Society: Being Three Lectures by John Dewey, Supplemented by a Statement of the University Elementary School (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1915)Google Scholar; Dewey, John, Democracy and Education: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Education (New York: Macmillan, 1916)Google Scholar.

⁴² Although the term “museum” was conscientiously chosen, it can mislead today's readers. The Labor Museum was both an active workshop and a teaching center, educating students across class, generation, and ethnicity in traditional crafts and industrial arts. For a description of the Labor Museum, see Washburne, Marion Foster, “A Labor Museum,” in Eighty Years at Hull-House, ed. Davis, Allen F. and McCree, Mary Lynn (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1969), 77–82Google Scholar.

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⁴⁸ Ibid., 118.

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⁵⁰ Addams, Jane, “A Function of the Social Settlement,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 13 (May 1899): 54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁶⁰ Ibid., 128.

⁶¹ Ibid., 205–6.

⁶² Ibid., 218. For a more complete description of this practice, see Rodgers, The Work Ethic, 87–88.

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⁶⁸ Ibid., 195.

⁶⁹ Ibid., 115–16.

⁷⁰ The Pullman Strike remains a contentious subject for social scientists and historians. For more recent interpretations, see Schneirov, Richard, Stromquist, Shelton, and Salvatore, Nick, eds., The Pullman Strike and the Crisis of the 1890s: Essays on Labor and Politics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999)Google Scholar and Hirsch, Susan E., After the Strike: A Century of Labor Struggle at Pullman (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2003)Google Scholar.

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⁷⁴ For an early statement of this idea, see Addams, The Settlement as a Factor in the Labor MovementGoogle Scholar.

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⁷⁷ Addams, “A Modern Lear,” 120–22.

⁷⁸ For Addams's most direct statement on unionism, which focuses primarily on garment workers, see Addams, Jane, “Trades Unions and Public Duty,” American Journal of Sociology 4 (January 1899): 448–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For more on Addams's practical political involvement with garment workers, see Pastorello, Karen, “‘The Transfigured Few’: Jane Addams, Bessie Abramowitz Hillman, and Immigrant Women Workers in Chicago, 1905–15,” in Jane Addams and the Practice of Democracy, ed. Chmielewski, Wendy E., Fischer, Marilyn, and Nackenoff, Carol (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2009), 98–118Google Scholar.

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⁸⁷ Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, 126Google Scholar.

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⁸⁹ Ibid., 39.

⁹⁰ Addams did not hesitate to castigate labor unions for their racism, observing that “the trades union record on Chinese exclusion and negro discrimination has been damaging” (ibid., 95).

⁹¹ Ibid., 94.

⁹² Ibid., 130.

⁹³ Ibid., 145.

⁹⁴ Ibid., 67.

⁹⁵ Ibid., 64.

⁹⁶ Ibid., 112.

⁹⁷ Ibid., 72.

⁹⁸ Ibid., 71.

⁹⁹ Ibid., 189.

¹⁰⁰ See Boris, Eileen, Home to Work: Motherhood and the Politics of Industrial Homework in the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, 174Google Scholar.

¹⁰² See Boris, Home to Work, 77, and Sklar, Kathryn Kish, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995), 206–36Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Addams, Jane, “The Larger Aspects of the Women's Movement,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 56 (November 1914): 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁰⁵ Addams, “The Larger Aspects of the Women's Movement,” 6.

¹⁰⁶ Addams, Jane, “Why Women Should Vote,” in The Social Thought of Jane Addams, 144Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Addams, Newer Ideals of Peace, 185Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., 183. Others argue that the suffrage movement relied more on women's roles as consumers than as laborers; cf. Finnegan, Margaret, Selling Suffrage: Consumer Culture and Votes for Women (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ Addams, Newer Ideals of Peace, 184Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Ibid., 183.

¹¹¹ Ibid., 197.

¹¹² Addams, Democracy and Social Ethics, 6Google Scholar.

¹¹³ Ibid., 11.

¹¹⁴ Indeed, recent cultural critics like Richard Sennett have raised concerns about the increasing flexibility demanded of workers and its effects on identity in the workplace. See Sennett, Richard, The Corrosion of Character: The Personal Consequences of Work in the New Capitalism (New York: Norton, 1998)Google Scholar and Sennett, Richard, The Craftsman (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008)Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ One can note similarities here to recent Catholic social thought, prompted, in part, by Pope John Paul II's 1981 encyclical Laborem Excercens on the meaning of work and its importance to human dignity. For commentary, exposition, and critique, see Baum, Gregory, The Priority of Labor: A Commentary on Laborem Exercens, Encyclical Letter of Pope John Paul II (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1982)Google Scholar; Houck, John W. and Williams, Oliver E., eds., Co-Creation and Capitalism: John Paul II's Laborem Exercens (Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1983)Google Scholar; Curran, Charles E., The Moral Theology of Pope John Paul II (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2005)Google Scholar.