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⁴⁵ Tieku, ‘Collectivist worldview’.

⁴⁶ A full explanation of the emergence of the AU is beyond the scope of an article focused on ideology. See Tieku, Thomas Kwasi, ‘Explaining the clash and accommodation of interests of major actors in the creation of the African Union’, African Affairs, 103:411 (2004), pp. 249–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴⁹ Mochochoko, Phakiso, ‘Africa and the International Criminal Court’, in Ankumah, Evelyn A. and Kwakwa, Edward K. (eds), African Perspectives on International Criminal Justice (Accra: Africa Legal Aid, 2005), pp. 247–51Google Scholar.

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⁵⁴ Ibid., p. 310.

⁵⁵ Ibid.

⁵⁶ Assembly of AU, ‘Decision on Africa's Relationship with the International Criminal Court’ (12 October 2013).

⁵⁷ Assembly of AU, ‘Decision on the International Criminal Court’ (30–1 January 2017).

⁵⁸ Labunda, ‘The International Criminal Court’.

⁵⁹ Freeden, ‘The morphological analysis of ideology’.

⁶⁰ Labunda, ‘The International Criminal Court’, p. 312; see also Nouwen, Sarah M. H. and Werner, Wouter G., ‘Doing justice to the political: The International Criminal Court in Uganda and Sudan’, European Journal of International Law, 21:4 (2010), pp. 941–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁶⁵ To recall the racial thinking of the time, consider David Hume's ‘Of National Characters’, published in 1748: ‘I am apt to suspect the Negroes to be naturally inferior to the whites. There never was a civilised nation of any other complexion than white, nor even any individual eminent either in action or speculation. No ingenious manufactures amongst them, no arts, no sciences … Such a uniform and constant difference could not happen, in so many countries and ages, if nature had not made an original distinction between these breeds of men.’ Hume Texts Online, available at: {https://davidhume.org/texts/empl/1/nc}.

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⁶⁸ Blyden, Christianity, Islam, p. 94.

⁶⁹ Ibid., p. 58.

⁷⁰ Ibid., p.110.

⁷¹ As he wrote, ‘The law of God for each race is written on the tablets of their hearts, and no theory will ever obliterate the deep impression or neutralise its influence upon their action; and in the process of their growth they will find or force a way for themselves.’ Ibid., p. 115.

⁷² Ibid., p. 227.

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⁹⁸ de Benoist and Champetier, Manifesto, p. 34.

⁹⁹ Séba, Kémi, Supra-négritude: Autodétermination, antivictimisation, virilité du peuple (Paris: Fiat-Lux editions, 2013), p. 189Google Scholar. All translations are mine.

¹⁰⁰ RFI Afrique, ‘L'étrange lien tissé entre le panafricaniste Kemi Seba et le gouvernement italien’ (RFI, 3 February 2019), available at: {http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20190202-etrange-lien-tisse-panafricaniste-kemi-seba-gouvernement-italien-franc-cfa}.

¹⁰¹ Seba, Supra-négritude, p. 144.

¹⁰² In Cristiano Lanzano, ‘Twisting Pan-Africanism to promote anti-Africanism’, Africa is a Country (9 September 2018).

¹⁰³ Drolet and Williams, ‘Radical conservatism’, p. 305.

¹⁰⁴ In Ibid., p. 304.

¹⁰⁵ ‘African and Russian Sovereignty: A Natural Alliance’, Sputnik interview with Kémi Séba’ (22 December 2017), available at: {http://amoreeliberta.blogspot.com/2018/01/sovranisti-africani-e-russi-una.html}; Alexander Dugin, ‘Free Africa or Death! Kémi Séba: African goal of a multipolar world’, Fort Russian News (20 May 2019), available at: {https://www.fort-russ.com/2019/05/dugin-free-africa-or-death-kemi-seba-african-goal-of-a-multipolar-world/}.

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