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‘And lastly, one for Saint Blaise’: bishops, widows and patronage in a lost Office of Reginold of Eichstätt

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2021

ALISON ALTSTATT*
Affiliation:
alison.altstatt@uni.edu

Abstract

This article concerns a fragmentary Office for Saint Blaise found in D-PREk Reihe V G1, a late fourteenth-century antiphoner from the Benedictine convent of Kloster Preetz. Despite the late date of the source, compositional similarities between this office and the Saint Nicholas office support the possibility that the former may be a lost Office attributed to Bishop Reginold of Eichstätt (r. 966–91) by the chronicler Anonymus Haserensis. I argue that Reginold may have written both the Office for Saint Blaise and the recension of the passio on which it is based for Pia of Bergen (Biletrud, Duchess of Bavaria), whom the chronicler names as Reginold's patron. This theory is supported by a consideration of the historical position and practices of Ottonian aristocratic widows, the development of saints’ cults in tenth-century Eichstätt and the text of the passio itself. These findings give new insight into the office compositions of Reginold of Eichstätt, the Ottonian veneration of Byzantine saints and female patrons’ involvement in the liturgical arts and establishment of cults in the late tenth century. These findings also provide hints to the origin of the liturgy of Kloster Preetz, whose mother house has never been identified.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press

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References

1 For an account of the cantor as historian, see Bugyis, Katie Ann-Marie, Fassler, Margot E. and Kraebel, A.B., ‘Introduction’, in Medieval Cantors and their Craft: Music, Liturgy and the Shaping of History, 800–1500, ed. Bugyis, Katie Ann-Marie, Fassler, Margot E. and Kraebel, A.B., Writing History in the Middle Ages, vol. 3 (Woodbridge, 2017), 16Google Scholar.

2 Reginoldus … carnali quidem nobilis prosapia, sed nobilior scientia, litteris non solum Latinis et Grecis, sed etiam Hebreis imbutus et, quod unicum et singulare in eo fuit, optimus huius temporis musicus. Hic inprimis historiam sancti Nicolai fecit, et per hoc episcopalem dignitatem promeruit.Accepto autem episcopatu, summo studio summaque devotione historica de sancto Willibaldo carmina conposuit totamque scientie sue vim in his decorandis atque mirabiliter variandis excitavit. Hinc est enim, quod quibusdam responsoriis longissimas in fine notulas apposuit eisdemque notulis versiculos instar sequentiarum subiunxit … Fecit etiam perpulchram de sancto Wunebaldo historiam et de sancto Blasio novissimam. Weinfurter, Stefan, Die Geschichte der Eichstätter Bischöfe des Anonymus Haserensis: Edition-Übersetzung-Kommenrtar, Eichstätter Studien, Neue Folge 24 (Regensburg, 1987), 47–8Google Scholar.

3 Jones, Charles W., The Saint Nicholas Liturgy and its Literary Relationships (Ninth to Twelfth Centuries) (Los Angeles, 1963), 713Google Scholar, 63–73.

4 Friedrich Dörr, Karlheinz Schlager and Theodor Wohnhaas, ‘Spicilegia Willibaldina: Musikalische und literatische Gaben zu Ehren des Eichstätter Bistumspatrons aus Mittelalterlichen Quellen’, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-Ordens und seiner Zweige, 98/1–2 (1987), 36–62, at 37.

5 See Weinfurter, Die Geschichte der Eichstätter Bischöfe, 46–7; Alison Altstatt, ‘Trier, Bistumarchiv Abt. 95, Nr. 5’, Cantus: A Database for Latin Ecclesiastical Chant, http://cantus.uwaterloo.ca/source/123757 (accessed 30 December 2020); Alison Altstatt, ‘Singing the Saints in Medieval Eichstätt: The Case of Wolfhard of Herrieden's Office for Saint Walburga’, in Cantus Planus: Papers Read at the 17th Meeting, Venice, 2014 (forthcoming).

6 On the Willibald Office and prosula, see Dörr et al., ‘Spicilegia Willibaldina’, 37–62.

7 Weinfurter, Die Geschichte der Eichstätter Bischöfe, 133, n. 76.

8 The summer volume is lost. For a detailed description of the antiphoner and summary of its contents, see Alison Altstatt, ‘The Rhenish Heritage of the Preetz Antiphoner’, Journal of the Alamire Foundation 5 (2013), 175–99, at 183–97, www.brepolsonline.net/doi/pdf/10.1484/J.JAF.1.103493 (accessed 30 December 2020); and ‘The Music and Liturgy of Kloster Preetz: Anna von Buchwald's Buch im Chor in its Fifteenth-century Context’, Ph.D. diss., University of Oregon (2011), 443–542.

9 Altstatt, ‘The Music and Liturgy of Kloster Preetz’, 34–41, 181–301.

10 This passio is assigned the number BHL 1377 – see Socii Bollandinani, eds., Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina, vol. 1 (Brussels, 1898–9), 205, no. 1377. An edition of the text is available in Joannes Bollandus and Godefridus Henschenius, eds., Acta Sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntur vel a catholicis scriptoribus celebrantur quae ex Latinis et Graecis aliarumque gentium antiquis monumentis, 3rd edn, Februarii Tomus Primus (Paris: Victor Palmé, 1863), 343–8.

11 Albert Dufourcq, Étude sur les Gesta Maryrum Romains, vol. 5 (Paris, 1900), 239–42.

12 Ibid., 242.

13 Hermann Jakobs, ‘Die Anfänge der Blasiusverehrung in Deutschland’, in St Blasien: Festschrift aus Anlass des 200-jährigen Bestehens der Kloster- und Pfarrkirche, ed. Heinrich Heiddeger and Hugo Ott (Munich, 1983), 27–30.

14 Anonymus Haserensis describes Wolfhard's liber passionalis as ‘truly useful, because it generously contains feasts for each and every day of the year’. Weinfurter, Die Geschichte der Eichstätter Bischöfe, 46, 136. The short passio for Saint Blaise appears in the eleventh-century copy D-Mbs Clm 18100, fols. 22v–23r.

15 Jakobs, ‘Die Anfänge der Blasiusverehrung in Deutschland’, 28. See also Judith Herrin, ‘Theophano: Considerations on the Education of a Byzantine Princess’, in The Empress Theophano: Byzantium and the West at the Turn of the First Millenium, ed. Adelbert Davids (Cambridge, 1996), 238–60; and Krijna Nelly Ciggaar, ‘Theophano: An Empress Reconsidered’, in ibid., 49–63.

16 Jakobs, ‘Die Anfänge der Blasiusverehrung in Deutschland’, 28.

17 Ibid.

18 An Office for Saint Blaise transmitted in I-Rvat SP B.79, a twelfth-century antiphoner for St Peter's Basilica, lies outside of the scope of this study.

19 See Anton Hänggi, Der Rheinauer Liber Ordinarius (Zürich Rh 80, Anfang 12. Jh.) (Freiburg, 1957), 85–6. Two versions of this Office were circulated by the eleventh century. Christopher Hohler believed that the Rheinau Office began with the responsory Vir dei sanctus, which is, in fact, part of the Office that more commonly begins with R. Dum satellites. Hohler further asserted that by the twelfth century, Eichstätt only used one antiphon and one responsory proper to St Blaise. Hohler names neither the pieces nor the source, though this is likely GB-Ob Laud misc. 468. See Christopher Hohler, ‘The Proper Office of St Nicholas and Related Matters with a Reference to a Recent Book’, Medium Ævum 36/1 (1967), 40–8, at 42.

20 ‘ut illa nova historia cantaretur’. Jürgen Petersohn, Der südliche Ostseeraum im kirchlich-politischen Kräftespiel des Reichs, Polens und Dänemark vom 10. bis 13. Jahrhundert: Mission, Kirchenorganisation, Kultpolitik (Cologne, 1979), 132.

21 For further analysis and manuscript images of the Preetz Office for Saint Blaise, see Altstatt, ‘The Music and Liturgy of Kloster Preetz’, 443–545; and Altstatt, ‘The Rhenish Heritage of the Preetz Antiphoner’, 175–97.

22 David Hiley, ‘The Music of Prose Offices in Honour of English Saints’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 10/1 (2001), 23–37, at 23–4. See also idem, ‘Early Cycles of Office Chants for the Feast of Mary Magdalene’, in Music and Medieval Manuscripts: Paleography and Performance: Essays Dedicated to Andrew Hughes, ed. John Haines and Randall Rosenfeld (Aldershot and Burlington, 2004), 369–99, at 371–4.

23 Jean-François Goudesenne, ‘A Typology of Historiae in West Francia (8–10 c.)’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 13/1 (2004), 1–31, at 24–5, 27.

24 For a description of style of Offices with accentual rhymed texts, see Hiley, ‘The Music of Prose Offices in Honour of English Saints’, 26, 31–7; Goudesenne, ‘A Typology of Historiae’, 25–6; Roman Hankeln, ‘“Properization” and Formal Changes in High Medieval Saints’ Offices: The Offices for Saints Henry and Kunigunde of Bamberg’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 10/1 (2001), 3–22.

25 Bollandus and Henschenius, eds., Acta Sanctorum, 343–8.

26 Domine rex eterne (Cantus ID: 002374) was borrowed from the widely disseminated Rheinau Office for St Blaise (Dum satellites), where it served as a canticle antiphon. Hänggi, Der Rheinauer Liber Ordinarius, 85–6. Sancte Blasi martyr (Cantus ID: 204434) is a contrafact of an antiphon used for early German martyrs. A version of this antiphon for Saint Alban is preserved in the tenth-century miscellany A-ÖBN 1888, copied in Mainz. Another version, adapted as Sancte Bonifati martyr for St Boniface, is preserved in an organal setting in Daesian notation in the tenth-century passionale GB-Lbl Harley 3019, which Giovanni Varelli locates to ‘an area comprising north-eastern France or, more possibly, north-western Germany’, in ‘Two Newly Discovered Tenth-Century Organa’, Early Music History, 32 (2013), 277–315, at 296. The third fourth-mode antiphon melody to which the text of Sancte Blasi intercede is set was commonly used for martyrs. It is first recorded in the monastic sources GB-Lbl Add. 30850 (eleventh century, Silos) and F-Pn lat. 12584 (twelfth century, St Maur-les-Fosses) and is adapted in later manuscripts for St Martin, St Alban and St Aegidius.

27 For further discussion of the canticle antiphons, see Altstatt, ‘The Music and Liturgy of Kloster Preetz’, 440–2, 444, 452, 455, 505–10.

28 The Terce antiphon Adest nobis celeberrimus dies (Cantus ID: 001267) was borrowed from the Rheinau Office (Dum satellites) where it was assigned as the Magnificat antiphon for first Vespers. Adest veneranda nobis (Cantus ID: 205663) from the Office for St Martin was adopted as the canticle antiphon for Matins.

29 László Dobszay and Janka Szendrei, eds., Antiphonen, Monumenta monodica medii aevi 5 (Kassel, 1999), 156.

30 See Gunilla Björkvall and Andreas Haug, ‘Text und Musik im Trinitätsoffizium Stephans von Lüttich: Beobachtung und Überlegungen aus mittellatienischer und musikhistorischer Sicht’, in Die Offizien des Mittelalters: Dichtung und Musik, ed, Walter Berschin and David Hiley, Regensburger Studien zur Musikgeschichte 1 (Tutzing, 1999), 1–24; and Richard Crocker, ‘Matins Antiphons at St Denis’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 39/3 (Fall, 1986), 441–90.

31 Dobszay and Szendrei, eds., Antiphonen, 1024; Cantus ID: 003006 (Common of Virgins).

32 For further discussion of the double antiphon, see Altstatt, ‘The Music and Liturgy of Kloster Preetz’, 459–93.

33 Hiley, ‘Early Cycles of Office Chants’, 383, Ex. 14.3a.

34 ‘Dans ses répons, Bruno emploie comme matériaux quelques dessins: deux ou trois, parfois advantage; il les présente sous des aspects diversifiés; c'est l'amalgame de ces incises qui constitue la mélodie du répons. Naturellement, toutes les variations ont le même schème mélodique que le dessin initial, donc toutes la même finale: d'où l'impression de piétinement que donne cette mélodie qui ne va nulle part. Certaines variantes s’éloignent plus ou moins du dessin primitif, mais en conservant les points d'appui essentiels.’ Madeleine Bernard, ‘Les offices versifiés attribués a Léon IX (1002–1054)’, Études Grégoriennes, 19 (1980), 89–164, at 95.

35 Ibid., 94–9. Bernard accepts Dom Joseph Pothier's attribution of the Saint Nicholas Office to abbot Isembert (d. 1054) and therefore characterises it as Norman. However, Charles W. Jones has persuasively argued that Reginold wrote the Nicholas Office, and that the German-born Isembert transmitted the Office to Normandy, contributing only the prosula Sospitati dedit aegros to Reginold's responsory Ex eius tumba. See Jones, Saint Nicholas of Myra, Bari, and Manhattan: Biography of a Legend (Chicago, 1978), 112–16, 147–52.

36 For analysis of further examples, see Altstatt ‘The Music and Liturgy of Kloster Preetz’, 443–545; and Altstatt, ‘The Rhenish Heritage of the Preetz Antiphoner’, 175–97.

37 Last syllable supplied from BHL 1377.

38 Anne Walters Robertson, ‘Benedicamus Domino: The Unwritten Tradition’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 41/1 (1988), 1–62, at 29, 31–2.

39 Hiley, ‘The Music of Prose Offices’, 24–5, remarks that there is ‘no compelling reason to date any of the prose offices after 1170’.

40 A witness to the secular use of canonesses may be found in D-Be 40047 (Quedlinburg, eleventh century).

41 See Edeltraud Klueting, ‘Damenstifte im norwestdeutschen Raum am Vorabend der Reformation’, in Studien zum Kanonissenstift, ed. Irene Crusius, Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 167 (Göttingen, 2001), 317–48.

42 Based on the centrality of holy women in the text, Helen Birkett similarly argues that Jocelyn of Furness's vita of Saint Helena was intended for a female audience in The Saints’ Lives of Jocelin of Furness: Hagiography, Patronage and Ecclesiastical Politics (Woodbridge, 2010), 231–8. On Ottonian royal women as literary patrons, see Rosamund McKitterick, ‘Ottonian Intellectual Culture in the Tenth Century and the Role of Theophanu’, Early Modern Europe, 2/1 (1993), 53–74, at 67–8. More examples of female patrons are described by June Hall McCash in ‘The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women: An Overview’, in The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, ed. June Hall McCash (Athens, GA, 1996), 1–49; and Joan M. Ferrante, ‘Women's Role in Latin Letters from the Fourth to the Early Twelfth Century’, in ibid., 73–104.

43 ‘Diligebat autem idem episcopus prepotentem quandam dominam Pia vocatam, que omnes illius temporis feminas artificiorum subtilitate incomparabiliter dicitur superasse. Hec multis et miris ornatibus ecclesiam nostrum decoravit, non solum per semetipsusam operando seu tradendo, verum etiam alias multas multa artificiorum genera docendo. Ad ultimum perfecte conversa ad Dominum, in proximo contruxit monasterium sanctimonialium Bergen vocatum, quod regalibus, ut erat ditissima, redditibus locupletatum et omni ornamentorum genere multifariam decoratum Romane ecclesie specialiter tradidit. Quam traditionem Iohannes tunc apostolicus privilegio suo quod hodieque nobiscum est confirmavit et omnes eidem monasterio aliquam iniustitiam facientes terribiliter anathematizavit.’ Weinfurter, Die Geschichte der Eichstätter Bischöfe, 49; the translation is adapted from Jones, The Saint Nicholas Liturgy, 70.

44 Weinfurter, Die Geschichte des Eichstätter Bischöfe, 136, n. 82; Reinhard H. Seitz, ‘Das Benediktinerinnenkloster Bergen und die Bergener Klosterkirche’, in Kloster Bergen bei Neuburg an der Donau und Seine Fresken von Johann Wolfgang Baumgartner, ed. Friedrich Kaess Kunst, Bayern und Schwaben 3 (Weissenhorn, 1981), 7.

45 Weinfurter, Die Geschichte des Eichstätter Bischöfe, 130–1.

46 McKitterick, ‘Ottonian Intellectual Culture’.

47 Joan A. Holladay, ‘Mühlhausen’, in Medieval Germany: An Encyclopedia, ed. John M. Jeep (New York, 2001), 539–41.

48 Jakobs, ‘Die Anfänge der Blasiusverehrung in Deutschland’, 28.

49 Caspar Ehlers, Die Integration Sachsens in das fränkische Reich (751–1024), Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 231 (Göttingen, 2007), 80, 565–6.

50 Katrinette Bodarwé, ‘Roman Martyrs and their Veneration in Ottonian Saxony: The Case of the Sanctimoniales of Essen’, Early Medieval Europe, 9/3 (2000), 345–65, at 364–5 (Table 2).

51 Seitz, ‘Das Benediktinerinnenkloster Bergen’, 6–7. The chronicler Liutprand reports that Berthold was offered the widow Gerberga in marriage, but that he chose to wait instead to marry her underage daughter Biletrud.

52 Ibid.

53 Suzanne Fonay Wemple, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the Cloister, 500–900 (Philadelphia, 1981), 108.

54 Carolingian and Ottonian noblewomen banished and deprived of their property due to scandal include Richildis, widow of Charles the Bald (d. 877), Judith, widow of Duke Henry I of Bavaria (d. 955) and Emma, the widow of Biletrud's half-brother, Louis IV (Lothar) of West Francia (d. 986). Simon MacLean, ‘Queenship, Nunneries, and Royal Widowhood in Carolingian Europe’, Past and Present, 178/1 (February 2003), 3–38, at 3–4, 7–8, 10; idem, Ottonian Queenship (Oxford, 2017), 164.

55 Pauline Stafford, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers: The King's Wife in the Early Middle Ages (Athens, GA, 1983), 53, 166–7, 176.

56 Seitz, ‘Das Benediktinerinnenkloster Bergen’, 7.

57 Stafford, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers, 50, 53; MacLean, ‘Queenship, Nunneries, and Royal Widowhood’, 34.

58 Stafford, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers, 50, 53, 173–4.

59 On the consecration of widows, see Katherine Clark Walter, The Profession of Widowhood: Widows, Pastoral Care and Medieval Models of Holiness (Washington, DC, 2018); Wemple, Women in Frankish Society, 105; Stafford, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers, 179–80.

60 Walter, Profession of Widowhood, 109.

61 Ibid., 20.

62 Cf. Stafford, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers, 173–4.

63 Walter, Profession of Widowhood, 90–1.

64 Anonymus Haserensis refers to Reginold's composition as ‘decorandis atque mirabiliter variandis’ and calls Pia's artwork ‘multis et miris ornantibus’. She instructs her women in ‘ornamentorum genere multifariam decoratum’. Weinfurter, Die Geschichte der Eichstätter Bischöfe, 47, 49.

65 Jane Tibbetts Schulenburg, ‘Holy Women and the Needle Arts: Piety, Devotion, and Stitching the Sacred, ca. 500–1150’, in Negotiating Community and Difference in Medieval Europe: Gender, Power, Patronage and the Authority of Religion in Latin Christendom, ed. Katherine Smith and Scott Wells (Leiden, 2009), 83–110, at 83.

66 Schulenburg, ‘Holy Women and the Needle Arts’, 102, 105.

67 MacLean, Ottonian Queenship, 86.

68 Ibid., 84; Schulenburg, ‘Holy Women and the Needle Arts’, 93.

69 See Alfred Wendehorst, Das Bistum Eichstätt 1: Die Bischofsreihe Eichstätt bis 1536, Germania Sacra, Neue Folge 45 (Berlin and New York, 2006), 46; Stefan Weinfurter, Eichstätt im Mittelalter: Kloster – Bistum – Fürstentum (Regensburg, 2010), 66–7.

70 Estimates of the Willibaldskasel's age and provenance vary. See Johann Baptist Stamming, Franconia Sacra: das Leben der Heiligen und Seligen des Frankenlandes (Würzburg, 1881), 485–6; ‘Die Willibaldskasel’, Domschatz und Diözesanmuseum Eichstätt, Raum I: Die Bischöfe von Eichstätt, www.dioezesanmuseum-eichstaett.de/rundgang/raum-i/ (accessed 30 December 2020); ‘Sogenannter Willibaldskasel’, Deutsche Digitale Bibliothek, www.deutsche-digitale-bibliothek.de/item/SOGM3BR3OQ6TXMRZYBSPCUR6IUQYBERO (accessed 30 December 2020).

71 Schulenburg, ‘Holy Women and the Needle Arts’, 105–6.

72 Stafford, Queens, Concubines, and Dowagers, 179–80.

73 MacLean, ‘Queenship, Nunneries, and Royal Widowhood’, 31.

74 Stafford, Queens, Concubines, and Dowagers, 179–84.

75 Ibid., 50, 53, 173–4.

76 Rosamund McKitterick, ‘Women in the Ottonian Church: An Iconographic Perspective’, in Women in the Church: Papers Read at the 1989 Summer Meeting and the 1990 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society (Oxford, 1990), 95.

77 See McKitterick, ‘Ottonian Intellectual Culture’.

78 Following the death of Biletrud's father, Duke Giselbert of Lotharingia, Gerberga married Louis IV, king of Francia. In 954, Queen Gerberga's teenage son Lothar assumed the throne of West Francia as Louis. Simon MacLean portrays Gerberga as a savvy politician who drew on her Ottonian, Lotharingian and West Frankish connections to protect her son, Louis, king of Francia, quashing rival powers and maintaining ownership of her dower lands in Lotharingia. Gerberga is recorded to have made donations to St Remigius, St Peter, Ghent, St Servatius in Maasricht and the Abbey of Our Lady Soissons, where she served as Abbess from 959. See MacLean, Ottonian Queenship, 74–94.

79 The passio in D-Mbs Clm 14031, fols.128va–129ra is transmitted imperfectly. See Elisabeth Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München, Clm 14000–14130 (Wiesbaden, 1995), 73–4.

80 See Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina Manuscripta: Liste des témoins du texte “BHL 1377”, http://bhlms.fltr.ucl.ac.be/Nquerysaintsectiondate.cfm?code_bhl=1377 (accessed 30 December 2020).

81 The passiones BHL 1370 and 1377 are edited in Bollandus and Henschenius, eds., Acta Sanctorum, 336–8.

82 ‘un lettré teinté de théologie’. Albert Dufourcq, Étude sur les Gesta Martyrum Romains, vol. 5 (Paris, 1900), 242.

83 ‘Mulier hoc exemplo perfice memoriam meam, et non minueter domus tua bonis, quae Dei sunt. Sed et si quis te imitans hoc exemplo memoriam mei fecerit, incessanter habebit a Deo meo coeleste donum, et benedictionem omnibus diebus.’ Bollandus and Henschenius, eds., Acta Sanctorum, vol. 4, 341.

84 ‘beata illa anus … explevit memoriam ejus juxta intentionem, quam fecit in carcere, et non tantum illa mulier ex fructibus terrae afferebat benedictionem in reliquum, sed etiam omnes amici ejus; qui juxta ejus traditionem facientes, benedictionis gratiam iterum in tempores eodem reduxerunt, non tantum ei fideli viduae, sed etiam et omnium eorum amicorum. Traditum enim est hoc usque in hodiernum diem omnibus fidelibus, perficientibus memoriam beatissimi et gloriosi Christi Martyris Blasii, cum lampadibus, et hymnis, et glorie indesinenter.’ Ibid., 343.

85 ‘et ista pro benedictions obtulit’. Ibid., 345.

86 ‘Ille vero eius devotione et tam pia voluntate delectatus’. Ibid.

87 ‘Scito, inquiens, mulier, iam corporis mei dissolutionem instare: et me quantocyus bono certamine certato, cursu consummato, fide seruata, ad Dominum per martyrium esse transiturum: et ideo mei agonis triumpho peracto, luminaria in huius facti exemplum in mei memoriam succende.’ Ibid.

88 Walter, Profession of Widowhood, 117.

89 On memorial culture and its role in maintaining social networks, see Gudrun Gleba, Klöster und Orden im Mittelalter (Darmstadt, 2002), 42–3.

90 ‘Et si qua ad victum pertinent pro facultate tua pauperibus distribue egenis. Deus autem meus, qui dixit, quod uni ex minimis meis fecistis, mihi fecistis, qui ad preces servi sui Eliae fecit ut viduae illi pauperi farina in hydria non deficeret, et nec oleum in lecytho minueretur; ipse domui quoque tuae faciet numquam necessaria deesse, ac te in praesenti et in futuro bonis affatim omnibus abundare.’ Bollandus and Henschenius, eds., Acta Sanctorum, vol. 4, 345.

91 ‘Consolare domine hanc famulam tuam viduitatis laboribus constrictam, sicut consolare dignatus es Saraptenam viduam per Heliam prophetam. Concede ei pudicitie fructum, ut antiquarum non meminerit voluptatum. Nesciat ergo incentiva desideria, ut soli tibi subdat propria colla, quo possit pro laboribus tantis sexagesimo gradu percipere munus delectabile sanctitatis.’ Staatsbibliothek Bamberg Kaiser-Heinrich Bibliothek Ms. Lit. 53, Pontificale Heinrichs II (Salzburg 1007–24), fol. 23r.

92 Gábor Bradács, ‘Poverty and Poor Relief in the Ottonian Empire (919–1024)’, Annual of Medieval Studies at CEU, 19 (2013), 66–82, at 79–80.

93 Ibid.

94 ‘Cujus exemplum monitis suis plures alii, vel ex parentela ejus, vel vicinis vel familiaribus secuti’, BHL 1377. Bollandus and Henschenius, eds., Acta Sanctorum, vol. 4, 348.

95 ‘Nam semper annuo festiuitatis ejus recursu, in loco martyrii ejus eleemosyae, et pauperum receptiones fieri, et lampades ac luminaria incendi, et hymni in ejus honorem et Dei gloriam celebrari solent.’ Ibid.

96 Walter, Profession of Widowhood, 115–16.

97 Madeline H. Caviness, ‘Anchoress, Abbess, and Queen: Donors and Patrons or Intercessors and Matrons?’, in The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, ed. McCash, 105–54.

98 Adam Cohen, ‘Abbess Uta of Regensburg and Patterns of Female Patronage around 1000’, Aurora: The Journal of the History of Art, 4 (2003), 34–49, at 45.

99 Ibid.

100 See MacLean, Ottonian Queenship, 68–73, 88, 150–60.

101 ‘Hoc totum tunc deposuit et postmodum lugubri veste indute processit. Posthac neminem voluit audire carmina secularia cantatem nec quemquam videre ludo exercentem, sed tantum audivit sancta carmina de evangeliis vel aliis scripturis sumpta, necnon in hoc sedulo delectabatur, ut de vita vel passione sanctorum sibi canteretur.’ Walter, Profession of Widowhood, 112, n.105.

102 See Hollis, Stephanie, ed., Writing the Wilton Women: Goscelin's Legend of Edith and Liber Confortatorius (Turnhout, 2004)Google Scholar; Bugyis, Katie, The Care of Nuns: The Ministries of Benedictine Women in England during the Central Middle Ages (Oxford, 2019), 1172CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

103 ‘Erat ei in audiendo servitio Dei voluptas unica ideoque in clericos bene melodos inconsiderate provida; blande quoscumque alloqui, multa largiri, plura polliceri. Inde liberalitate ipsius per orbem sata, turmatim huc adventabant scholastici tum cantibus tum versibus famosi; felicem se putabat qui carminis novitate aures mulceret dominae.’ See McCash, ‘Cultural Patronage: An Overview’, 20, n. 81–2.

104 Jones, The Saint Nicholas Liturgy, 240–5.

105 Ibid., 241.

106 Admont was founded in 1074 as a men's community. A women's coenobitic community existed there from 1120. An atypical version of the office Dum satellites appears in the matutinale A-A 18. The Preetz repertoire could have absorbed influence from the Hirsau reform through the reformed Admont, witnessed in its transmission of the sequence Sancti merita Benedicti for Saint Benedict. See Beach, Alison, Women as Scribes: Book Production and Monastic Reform in Twelfth-Century Bavaria (Cambridge, 2009), 66–7Google Scholar; Altstatt, ‘The Music and Liturgy of Kloster Preetz’, 348, 352, 371–7.

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‘And lastly, one for Saint Blaise’: bishops, widows and patronage in a lost Office of Reginold of Eichstätt
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‘And lastly, one for Saint Blaise’: bishops, widows and patronage in a lost Office of Reginold of Eichstätt
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‘And lastly, one for Saint Blaise’: bishops, widows and patronage in a lost Office of Reginold of Eichstätt
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