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  • Rosamond McKitterick

The Liber pontificalis, the serial biography of the popes running from Saint Peter to the end of the ninth century, first compiled in Rome during the ‘Gothic Wars’ in the sixth century and continued at various stages in the next three centuries, offers a distinctive narrative of the history of Rome and of the papacy in the early Middle Ages. This paper argues that the seventh- and early eighth-century sections, too often simply mined for nuggets of information about church buildings, represent the pope in a particular way both in relation to Byzantium in theological and political terms, and as the successor to Saint Peter in Rome. The papal narrative undermines the usual assumptions about the so-called ‘Byzantine Reconquest’ and the Roman perception, if not the reality, of the degree to which ‘Byzantine rule’ was exercised in Italy between the middle of the sixth and first half of the eighth century. Lastly, these ‘continuations’ have important implications for any interpretation of the purpose and construction of the Liber pontificalis, and of its dissemination beyond Rome in the seventh and eighth centuries.

Il Liber pontificalis, raccolta di biografie dei papi da San Pietro alla fine del IX secolo, redatto per la prima volta a Roma durante le Guerre Gotiche nel VI secolo e continuato in vario modo nei successivi tre secoli, offre un racconto peculiare della storia di Roma e del papato nell'Alto Medioevo. Nel presente lavoro si sostiene come le sezioni relative al VII e all'inizio dell'VIII secolo, troppo spesso utilizzate semplicemente per desumere informazioni preziose sugli edifici delle chiese, rappresentino il papa in un modo particolare sia in relazione a Bisanzio in termini teologici e politici sia come successore di San Pietro a Roma. La narrazione relativa ai papi mina le comuni affermazioni relative alla cosiddetta riconquista bizantina e la percezione, se non la realtà, romana del livello in cui la ‘regola Bizantina’ era esercitata in Italia tra la metà del VI e la prima metà dell'VIII secolo. Infine, queste ‘continuazioni’ hanno importanti implicazioni per qualsiasi interpretazione del fine e delle modalità di costruzione del Liber pontificalis e della sua diffusione al di fuori di Roma nei secoli VII e VIII.

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Corresponding author
Address for correspondence: Professor Rosamond McKitterick, Faculty of History, University of Cambridge, West Road, Cambridge, CB3 9EF, United Kingdom.
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1 Johannes natione Grecus, de patre Platone, sedit ann. II mens. VII dies XVII. Vir eruditissimus et facundus eloquentia. On the use and meaning of the portmanteau term Graecus in early medieval Rome see Gantner, C., ‘The label “Greeks” in the papal diplomatic repertoire in the eighth century’, in Pohl, W. and Heydemann, G. (eds), Strategies of Identification: Ethnicity and Religion in Early Medieval Europe (Cultural Encounters in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages 13) (Turnhout, 2013), 303–49, and further Gantner, C., Freunde Roms und Völker der Finsternis: Die Konstruktion von Anderen im päpstlichen Rom des 8. und 9. Jahrhunderts (Vienna/Cologne/Weimar, 2014), 60136 .

2 Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, L., Le Liber pontificalis. Texte, introduction et commentaire, 2 vols (Paris, 1886–92, repr. 1955), I, Life 88, 385; English translation Davis, R., The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis): The Ancient Biographies of the First Ninety Popes to ad 715, third edition (Liverpool, 2010), 86 (hereafter cited as LP I; trans. Davis): Basilicam itaque sanctae dei genetricis qui antiqua vocatur, pictura decoravit illicque ambonem noviter fecit et super eandem ecclesiam episcopiam, quantum ad se construere malluit, illicque pontificatus sui tempus explevit. On Santa Maria Antiqua see E. Rubery and G. Bordi (eds), Santa Maria Antiqua (Turnhout, forthcoming).

3 LP I, Life 88, c. 1, 386: Hic fecit oratorium sanctae dei genetricis intro ecclesiam beati Petri apostoli, cuius parietes musibo depinxit, illicque auri et argenti quantitatem multam expendit, et venerabilium patrum dextra levaque vultus erexit. Hic restauravit Basilicam sanctae Eugeniae, qui longo per tempore distecta atque diruta fuerat. Laboravit autem et in cymiteriis beatorum martyrum Marcelliani et Marci Damasique sancti pontificis. Fecit vero et imagines per diversas ecclesias, quas quicumque nosse desiderat, in eis eius vultum depictum repperiet; trans. Davis, 86. One of these images, with a square halo, is preserved in the Vatican grottoes under the present basilica of Saint Peter, reproduced with discussion of the original oratory in which it was placed in Ballardini, A. and Pogliani, P., ‘A reconstruction of the Oratory of John VII (705–7)’, in McKitterick, R., Osborne, J., Richardson, C.M. and Story, J. (eds), Old St Peter's, Rome (British School at Rome Studies) (Cambridge, 2013), 190213 at fig. 10.10, p. 208. On the Palatine see Augenti, A., ‘Continuity and discontinuity of a seat of power: the Palatine hill from the fifth to the tenth century’, in Smith, J.M.H. (ed.), Early Medieval Rome and the Christian West: Essays in Honour of Donald A. Bullough (Leiden, 2000), 4354 .

4 LP I, Life 88, c. 5, 386; trans. Davis, 86–7.

5 For the context of this discussion see in particular Noble, T.F.X., ‘Rome in the seventh century’, in Lapidge, M. (ed.), Archbishop Theodore (Cambridge, 1995), 6887 ; Cubitt, C., ‘The Roman perspective’, in Price, R., Booth, P. and Cubitt, C., The Acts of the Lateran Synod of 649 (Translated Texts for Historians) (Liverpool, 2014), 4058 ; and Gantner, C., ‘The eighth-century papacy as cultural broker’, in Gantner, C., McKitterick, R. and Meeder, S. (eds), The Resources of the Past in Early Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 2015), 245–61.

6 LP I, clxii, and compare on the later sections Duchesne, L., Etude sur le Liber pontificalis (Paris, 1877), 205–9; Geertman, H., ‘Documenti, redattori e la formazione del testo del Liber pontificalis ’, in Geertman, H. (ed), Il Liber pontificalis e la storia materiale (Mededelingen van het Nederlands Instituut te Rome 60–1) (Assen, 2003), 267–84, repr. in Geertman, H., Hic fecit basilicam. Studi sul Liber pontificalis e gli edifici ecclesiastici di Roma da Silvestro a Silverio (Leuven, 2004), 149–68. See also Geertman, H., ‘La genesi del Liber pontificalis romano: un processo di organizzazione della memoria’, in Bougard, F. and Sot, M. (eds), Liber, gesta, histoire. Écrire l'histoire des évêques et des papes, de l'Antiquité au XXIe siècle (Turnhout, 2009), 37108 and Geertman, H., More veterum. Il ‘Liber Pontificalis’ e gli edifici ecclesiastici di Roma nella tarda antichità e nell'alto medioevo (Groningen, 1975), 34.

7 Noble, T.F.X., ‘A new look at the Liber pontificalis ’, Archivium Historiae Pontificiae 23 (1985), 347–58.

8 LP I, Life 97, c. 5, 441.

9 LP I, Life 94, cc. 23–4, 457–8 n. 27.

10 F. Bougard, ‘Composition, diffusion et réception des parties tardives du Liber pontificalis romain (VIIIe–IXe siècles)’, in Bougard and Sot (eds), Liber, gesta, histoire (above, n. 6), 127–52.

11 Pollard, R., ‘The decline of cursus in the papal chancery’, Studi Medievali, 3rd series, 50 (2009), 140 , esp. pp. 28–31 and Pollard, R., ‘A cooperative correspondence: the letters of Gregory the Great’, in Neil, B. and dal Santo, M. (eds), A Companion to Gregory the Great (Leiden, 2013), 291312 .

12 R. Pollard, ‘The Latin of the Codex epistolaris Carolinus’, in R. McKitterick, R. Pollard and D. van Espelo, The Codex Epistolaris Carolinus (Translated Texts for Historians) (Liverpool, forthcoming).

13 Davis, R., The Lives of the Eighth-Century Popes (Liber Pontificalis) (Translated Texts for Historians) (Liverpool, 1992), 85.

14 A. van Dijk, ‘Visual diplomacy in the Apsidal Arch of Santa Maria Antiqua’, in Rubery and Bordi (eds), Santa Maria Antiqua (above, n. 2).

15 Gantner, C., ‘The Lombard Recension of the Roman Liber Pontificalis ’, Rivista di Storia del Cristianesimo 10 (2013), 65114 .

16 R. McKitterick, ‘The damnatio memoriae of Pope Constantine II (767–768)’, in R. Balzaretti, J. Barrow and P. Skinner (eds), Italy and Medieval Europe: Papers for Chris Wickham on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday (Past and Present Supplementary Series) (Oxford, forthcoming).

17 For Felix III only the names of Kings Odovacer and Theodoric are given: LP I, Life 50, c. 1, 252.

18 Geertman, ‘La genesi del Liber pontificalis romano’ (above, n. 6).

19 LP I, xxxiii–xlvii.

20 T. Mommsen, Liber pontificalis, pars prior (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Gesta Pontificum Romanorum I) (Berlin, 1898), xvi and xxv, and compare Cuppo, L., ‘I “pontifices” di Constantinopoli nel “Liber Pontificalis” del settimo secolo: note sul codice BAV, Vat. Lat. 3764’, Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa 44 (2008), 359–71 and Gregory of Tours, Historiae X.31, ed. Krusch, B. (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum I.1 ) (Hanover, 1951), 526–35. See also McKitterick, R., ‘Rome and the popes in the construction of institutional history and identity in the early middle ages: the case of Leiden Universiteitsbibliotheek Scaliger MS 49’, in Phelan, O. and Carver, V. (eds), Rome and Religion in the Medieval World: Studies in Honor of Thomas F.X. Noble (Aldershot, 2014), 207–34.

21 LP I, xlvii–liv.

22 Davis, Book of Pontiffs (above, n. 2), xlvii.

23 Bede, De temporum ratione, ed. Mommsen, T., Chronica minora III (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctores Antiquissimi XIII) (Berlin, 1898), 326, under the year (since the Creation) 4670. ad 725 is a terminus post quem, for it is the last date recorded in the De temporum ratione.

24 On the eighth-century Lives see especially Gantner, ‘Lombard recension’ (above, n. 15). On the ninth-century portions see the useful summaries by Davis, R., The Lives of the Ninth-Century Popes (Liber Pontificalis) (Translated Texts for Historians) (Liverpool, 1995).

25 See below, pp. 268–72.

26 On Epitomes F and K see LP I, xlvix–lvii.

27 McKitterick, R., ‘Roman texts and Roman history in the Early Middle Ages’, in Bolgia, C., McKitterick, R. and Osborne, J. (eds), Rome across Time and Space, c. 500–c. 1400: Cultural Translation and the Exchange of Ideas (Cambridge, 2011), 1934 . Some elements of this argument are to be found also in R. McKitterick, ‘La place du Liber pontificalis dans les genres historiographiques du haut Moyen Âge’, in Bougard and Sot (eds), Liber, gesta, histoire (above, n. 6), 23–35.

28 With a similar presumption of a particular impetus for composition see the argument for c. 500 offered by Deliyannis, D. Mauskopf, ‘The Roman Liber pontificalis, papal primacy, and the Acacian Schism’, Viator 45 (2014), 116 ; the overall emphasis on orthodoxy she rightly attributes to the Liber Pontificalis works just as well for the later date maintained here.

29 Davis, 65 translated this as ‘in accordance with the emperor's mandate’.

30 LP I, Life 66, c. 4, 312. The rededication of a church to a different patron saint is not unprecedented. This has been misunderstood from Duchesne (LP I, 313 n. 8) onwards as a conversion of an Arian church to Catholic use in the sense of reconsecration. The Latin used, that Gregory I ‘dedicavit to Saint Agatha the church of the Goths in the Subura’, indicates appropriation of the church for the papal promotion of the cult of the martyr Agatha, similar to the takeover of the Pantheon for Saint Mary and the martyrs.

31 Propter adunationem ecclesiae et religionis and ibique occurrit multitudo male habentes et salvantur, LP I, Life 60, cc. 1 and 9, 290 and 293; trans. Davis, 52 and 53–4.

32 LP I, Life 60, cc. 7 and 8, 292–3; LP I, Life 61, c. 2, 296 and 300 n. 7.

33 LP I, Life 61, 296–9.

34 The Bishop of Ostia is specified as consecrating Mark, LP I, Life 35, c. 2, 202; the earliest reference to the bishops of Ostia, Portus and Albano normally having this responsibility is in the Life of Leo II, LP I, Life 82, c. 6, 360 and 362 n. 23.

35 LP I, Life 62, c. 1, 303.

36 See McKitterick, R., ‘Liturgy and history in the early Middle Ages’, in Fassler, M., Bugyis, K. and Kraebel, A. (eds), Music, Liturgy, and the Shaping of History (800–1500) (York, 2016).

37 LP I, 304 n. 7.

38 See Diehl, C., Études sur l'administration byzantine de l'Exarchat de Ravenne (Paris, 1888) and Brown, T.S., Gentlemen and Officers: Imperial Administration and Aristocratic Power in Byzantine Italy ad 554–800 (Rome, 1984).

39 LP I, Life 63, c. 2, 305.

40 Brown, T.S., ‘Settlement and military policy in Byzantine Italy’, in Blake, H., Potter, T. and Whitehouse, D. (eds), Papers in Italian Archaeology I: The Lancaster Seminar. Recent Research in Prehistoric, Classical and Medieval Archaeology, 2 vols (BAR Supplementary Series 41) (Oxford, 1978), II, 323–38.

41 Jaffé, P., Regesta pontificum Romanorum ab condita ecclesia ad annum post Christum natum MCXCVIII, 2 vols (Leipzig, 1888), I, 130, 135, 990 and 1031; compare Loomis, L.R., Book of the Popes (New York, 1916), 163–4 n. 3 and the Constitutio pragmatica c. 12, ed. Schoell, R. and Kroll, W., Corpus Iuris Civilis III: Novellae (Berlin, 1928), 799802 at p. 800. See also Bjornlie, M.S., Politics and Tradition between Rome, Ravenna and Constantinople: A Study of Cassiodorus and the Variae 527–554 (Cambridge, 2013), 14. The manuscript tradition and knowledge of the Constitutio pragmatica in Rome in the decades after 554 merits further investigation.

42 Coates-Stephens, R., ‘Byzantine building patronage in post-reconquest Rome’, in Ghilardi, M., Goddard, C.J. and Porena, P. (eds), Les cités d'Italie tardo-antique (IVe–Vie siècle) (Collection de l’École Française de Rome 369) (Rome, 2006), 149–66. Of interest for his nineteenth-century visitor's description is Nichols, F.M., ‘A revised history of the Column of Phocas in the Roman Forum’, Archaeologia 52 (1890), 112 .

43 This was Duchesne's suggestion: LP I, Life 67, 315 and n. 4.

44 The ambiguity of the evidence is clear from the study by Bavant, B., ‘Le duché byzantin de Rome. Origine, durée et extension géographique’, Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome. Moyen Âge, Temps Modernes 91.1 (1979), 4188 ; see also Gantner, Freunde Roms (above, n. 1), 64 n. 185, and the earlier study, not mentioned by either: Llewellyn, P., Rome in the Dark Ages (London, 1971), 140.

45 There is no other evidence to support this suggestion. On the popularity of the name John see Llewellyn, P., ‘The names of the Roman clergy’, Rivista di Storia dell Chiesa 35 (1981), 355–70.

46 LP I, Life 69, c. 2, 317.

47 The reality of this exchange needs fuller investigation than is feasible here. See further below, pp. 262–3; de Blaauw, S., ‘Das Pantheon als christlicher Tempel’, in Brandenburg, H., Jordan-Ruwe, M. and Real, U. (eds), Bild und Formensprache der spätantiken Kunst: Hugo Brandenburg zum 65. Geburtstag (Boreas 17) (Münster, 1994), 1326 ; Rankin, S.K., ‘ Terribilis est locus iste: the Pantheon in 609’, in Carruthers, M. (ed.), Rhetoric beyond Words: Delight and Persuasion in the Arts of the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 2011), 281310 ; Marder, T.A. and Jones, M. Wilson, ‘Introduction’, in Marder, T.A. and Jones, M. Wilson (eds), The Pantheon from Antiquity to the Present (Cambridge, 2015), 148 . On the stational liturgy see Baldovin, J.F., The Urban Character of Christian Worship (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 228) (Rome, 1987), 106–18.

48 Marcellinus, Ammianus, Rerum gestarum libri XVI.10.13–14, ed. Rolfe, J.C. (Cambridge [MA], 1956), 249–50.

49 See E. Thunø, ‘The Pantheon in the Middle Ages’, in Marder and Wilson Jones (eds), The Pantheon (above, n. 46), 231–54 at pp. 231–2; Coates-Stephen, R., ‘Re-use of ancient statuary’, in Bauer, F.A. and Witschel, C. (eds), Statuen in der Spätantike (Wiesbaden, 2007), 171–88.

50 Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum II.4, ed. B. Colgrave and Mynors, R.A.B., Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People (Oxford, 1969), 148–9.

51 Compare Rankin, ‘Terribilis est locus iste’ (above, n. 46), 83, who follows Bede in maintaining that this was the conversion of a pagan temple. See also O'Brien, C., Bede's Temple: An Image and its Interpretation (Oxford, 2015).

52 LP I, Life 72, c. 6, 324 and 326–7 n. 18. See Bordi, G., ‘Committenza laica nella chiesa di Sant'Adriano al foro romano nell'alto medioevo’, in Quintavalle, A.C. (ed.), Medioevo: I committenti (I Convegni di Parma 13) (Milan, 2011), 421–32.

53 Radding, C. and Ciaralli, A., Corpus Iuris Civilis in the Middle Ages: Manuscripts and Transmission from the Sixth Century to the Juristic Revival (Leiden, 2007).

54 I owe these points to P. Sarris, ‘Whose law is it anyway? The “Novels” of the Emperor Justinian and legal culture in the early Middle Ages', a paper delivered to the Cambridge University Medieval History Research Seminar, 15 October 2015. See also McKitterick, ‘The damnatio memoriae of Pope Constantine II' (above, n. 16).

55 Conte, P., Chiesa e primato nelle lettere dei papi del secolo VII (Rome, 1971). See also Booth, P., Crisis of Empire: Doctrine and Dissent at the End of Late Antiquity (Berkeley, 2014), 259–77.

56 See Jankowiak, M., ‘The invention of Dyothelitism’, Studia Patristica 63 (2013), 335–42.

57 See C. Cubitt, ‘The Roman perspective,’ in Price, Booth and Cubitt, The Acts of the Lateran Synod of 649 (above, n. 5), 40–58 at p. 46. See also Thanner, A., Papst Honorius I. (625–638) (Studien zur Theologie und Geschichte 4) (St Ottilien, 1989); Allen, P. and Neil, B., Maximus the Confessor and his Companions: Documents from Exile (Oxford, 2002), 1420 ; and Allen, P., Sophronius of Jerusalem and Seventh-Century Heresy: The Synodical Letter and Other Documents (Oxford, 2009), 194208 . The older discussion by Chapman, J., The Condemnation of Pope Honorius (London, 1907), is still of some value, though directed at early twentieth-century discussions about papal infallibility.

58 LP I, Life 82, c. 2, 359.

59 LP I, Life 75, c. 3, 332; trans. Davis, 66.

60 LP I, Life 76, cc. 1–3, 336–7.

61 LP I, Life 76, c. 8, 338. See Neil, B., Seventh-Century Popes and Martyrs: The Political Hagiography of Anastasius Bibliothecarius (Studia Antiqua Australiensia 2) (Turnhout, 2006). See also Booth, Crisis of Empire (above, n. 54), 278–313.

62 LP I, Life 77, c. 2, 341; trans. Davis, 69.

63 LP I, Life 78, c. 3, 343; trans. Davis, 70.

64 LP I, Life 81, c. 3, 350.

65 LP I, Life 81, cc. 8, 9, 352; trans. Davis, 73, 74, 75.

66 On the emergence of chant as a major aspect of the liturgical ritual life of Rome in the seventh century see especially Page, C., The Christian West and its Singers: The First Thousand Years (New Haven, 2010), 243–61.

67 LP I, Life 82, c. 2, 359; trans. Davis, 76.

68 LP I, Life 84, c. 2, 366; on the taxes see below, p. 264.

69 LP I, Life 85, c. 3, 368.

70 LP I, Life 86, cc. 6–9, 372–3; trans. Davis, 82–3.

71 See E.Ó. Carragaín, ‘Interactions between liturgy and politics in Old Saint Peter's, 670–741: John the Archcantor, Sergius I and Gregory III’, in McKitterick, Osborne, Richardson and Story (eds) (above, n. 3), Old St Peter's, 177–89.

72 LP I, Life 86, cc. 10, 14, 374–6.

73 LP I, Life 90, c. 3, 389.

74 LP I, Life 90, c. 6, 391; trans. Davis, 88.

75 LP I, Life 90, c. 8, 391; trans. Davis, 93. It is doubtful that this can taken as an early indication of the issue of iconoclasm that was to become so prominent in the agenda of doctrinal discussion in the eighth century: but see Humphreys, M.T.G., Law, Power, and Imperial Ideology in the Iconoclast Era, c. 680–850 (Oxford, 2015) and Brubaker, L. and Haldon, J., Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, c. 680–850: A History (Cambridge, 2011).

76 Llewellyn, P., ‘The Roman clergy in the seventh century’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 25 (1974), 363–80.

77 Booth, P., ‘The Palestinian perspective’, in Price, Booth and Cubitt, The Acts of the Lateran Synod (above, n. 5), 27–40 and Allen, P. and Neil, B. (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Maximus the Confessor (Oxford, 2015).

78 I here modify existing interpretations of this evidence, most clearly elucidated by Llewellyn, P., ‘The popes and the constitution in the eighth century’, English Historical Review 101 (1986), 4260 , but wish nevertheless to acknowledge my indebtedness to Peter Llewellyn's path-breaking work on the politics of early medieval Rome.

79 LP I, Life 69, c. 2, 317.

80 LP I, Life 72, c. 2, 323; trans. Davis, 62.

81 LP I, Lives 73, 75 and 78, 328–9, 331–2, 343–4.

82 On the Cononian recension and Frankish intervention in its preservation see R. McKitterick, ‘Perceptions of Rome and the papacy in late Merovingian Francia: the Cononian recension’, in S. Esders, Y. Fox, Y. Hen and L. Sarty (eds), East and West in the Early Middle Ages: The Merovingian Kingdoms in Mediterranean Perspective (Cambridge, forthcoming).

83 LP I, Life 65, c. 1, 309.

84 LP I, Life 77, c. 2, 341.

85 LP I, Life 78, c. 1, 385; trans. Davis, 69. Mommsen, Liber pontificalis (above, n. 20), 187 notes this too as a reading in the K text (=Cononian recension).

86 LP I, Life 78, c. 3, 343; trans. Davis, 70. The Latin word is neutral but the outcome justifies Davis' choice of word in his translation of deposuerat.

87 LP I, Life 81, c. 2, 354–5.

88 LP I, Life 81, c. 2, 354–5 and 358 n. 34; compare LP I, Life 83, c. 3, 363.

89 LP I, Life 90, c. 6, 391; trans. Davis, 89. Whether this is indeed a remnant of real authority needs further investigation.

90 LP I, Life 85, c. 3, 369.

91 LP I, Lives 73, 75 and 76: Severinus (May–August, 640), Theodore (742–749) and Martin 749–753/755), 328–9, 331–3, 336–8.

92 Byzantium's territorial losses in the 630s are particularly pertinent here: see Haldon, J., Byzantium in the Seventh Century: The Transformation of a Culture, revised edition (Cambridge, 1997), Louth, A., ‘Byzantium transforming’, in Shepard, J. (ed.), The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire, c. 500–1492 (Cambridge, 2008), 221–48 and Sarris, P., Empires of Faith: The Fall of Rome to the Rise of Islam, 500–700 (Oxford, 2011), 245–74.

93 LP I, Life 73, c. 1, 328; trans. Davis, 63.

94 LP I, Life 73, c. 4, 328.

95 LP I, Life 73, c. 3, 328; trans. Davis, 64.

96 LP I, Lives 85 and 86, 368, 371–2.

97 LP I, Life 90, c. 10, 392; see Gantner, Freunde Roms (above, n. 1), 64–5 and above, p. 253 n. 43.

98 LP I, Life 80, c. 2, 348.

99 LP I, Life 81, c. 1, 350.

100 LP I, Life 82, c. 4, 360; compare also Life 90, c. 9, 391.

101 See Deliyannis, D. Mauskopf, Ravenna in Late Antiquity (Cambridge, 2014), 272, 283–4.

102 Aspects of all of these of course have been discussed, for example, Noble, T.F.X., The Republic of St Peter: The Birth of the Papal State, 680–825 (Philadelphia, 1984); Smith, J.M.H. (ed.), Early Medieval Rome and the Christian West: Essays in Honour of Donald A. Bullough (Leiden, 2000); Roma nell'alto Medioevo (Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'alto Medioevo 48), 2 vols (Spoleto, 2001); Roma fra Oriente e Occidente (Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'alto Medioevo 49), 2 vols (Spoleto, 2002); Sessa, K., The Formation of Papal Authority in Late Antique Italy: Roman Bishops and the Domestic Sphere (Cambridge, 2012); Romano, J.F., Liturgy and Society in Early Medieval Rome (Farnham, 2014); Noble, Thomas F.X., ‘A court without courtiers: the Roman Church in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages’, in Le Corti nell'alto medioevo (Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'alto Medioevo 62), 2 vols (Spoleto, 2014), I, 235–57. Nevertheless, a great deal of work from the Roman perspective remains to be done.

103 LP I, Lives 74, c. 16, 330; 82, c. 4, 360; 86, c. 16, 376; 90, c. 9, 391–2.

104 Duchesne, Etude (above, n. 6), 205–6.

105 Davis, Eighth-Century Popes (above, n. 13), xiv.

106 LP I, lv–lvii, Davis, xlviii and McKitterick, ‘Cononian recension’bove, n. 81).

107 See Duchesne, Etude (above, n. 6), 47, who notes the perplexing calculation on the last page of Constantine's Life: Hucusque CXXVIIII anni sunt quod langobardi venerunt et VII menses; this date would give 697 not 715, and Duchesne conjectured it might have been carried over from another exemplar. Still the fullest study is L. Schiaparelli, Il codice 490 della Biblioteca Capitolare di Lucca e la scuola scrittoria Lucchese, sec. VIII–IX (Rome, 1924), but see also the valuable analysis of Verre, G.E. Unfer, ‘Ancora sul manoscritto 490. Precisazioni e problemi aperti’, Rivista di Storia del Cristianesimo 10 (2013), 4964 .

108 LP I, Life 81, c. 13, 354; trans. Davis, 75.

109 LP I, Life 84, cc. 2 and 4, 366.

110 LP I, Life 81, c. 3, 350. Gianandrea, M., ‘Nel lusso della tradizione. L'inedita nel nartece di Santa Sabina all'Aventino a Roma (Il nartece di Santa Sabina, 1)’, Hortus Artium Medievalium 20 (2014), 700–8; Osborne, J., ‘Rome and Constantinople about the year 700: the significance of the recently uncovered mural in the narthex of Santa Sabina’, in Bordi, G., Carlettini, I., Fobelli, M.L., Menn, M.R. and Pogliani, P. (eds), L'Officina delle sguardo. Scritti in onore de Maria Andaloro (Rome, 2015), 329–34; M. Gianandrea, ‘Politica delle immagini al tempo di papa Costantino 708–715: Roma versus Bisanzio’, in Bordi, Carlettini, Fobelli, Menn and Pogliani (eds), L'Officina delle sguardo (above), 335–42. For an alternative identification see McKitterick, ‘The damnatio memoriae of Pope Constantine II (above, n. 16).

111 R. Riedinger, Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, series 2.1: Concilium Lateranense a. 649 celebratum (Berlin, 1984), xiv; R. Price, ‘The letter to Bishop Amandus’, in Price, Booth and Cubitt, The Acts of the Lateran Synod (above, n. 5), 391–3; and Pollard, ‘The decline of cursus’ (above, n. 11).

112 Price, ‘The letter to Bishop Amandus’ (above, n. 110), 408–12.

113 Riedinger, R., Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, series 2.2 part 1 (Berlin, 1990), xiv. Compare Bischoff, B., Die südostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken II: Die vorwiegend Österreichischen Diözesen (Wiesbaden, 1980), 125–6.

114 Bischoff, Die südostdeutschen Schreibschulen (above, n. 112), 64.

115 Bede, Historia ecclesiastica (above, n. 49), II.4, p. 148; I.4, p. 24; II.1, pp. 122 and 130; V.19, p. 516.

116 Bede, Historia ecclesiastica (above, n. 49), IV.1, pp. 328–32.

117 Bede, Historia ecclesiastica (above, n. 49), IV.17–18, pp. 384–90.

118 On Theodore and the Synod of Hatfield see Noble, ‘Rome in the seventh century’ (above, n. 5) and H. Chadwick, ‘Theodore, the English church and the monothelite controversy’, in Lapidge (ed.), Archbishop Theodore (above, n. 5), 68–87 and 88–95 respectively; and Cubitt, C., Anglo-Saxon Church Councils c. 650–c. 850 (Leicester, 1985), 252–8. Incidentally, this synod also affirmed the double procession of the holy spirit: on the filioque discussions culminating in the Carolingian wish to include filioque in the Creed see McKitterick, R., Charlemagne: The Formation of a European Identity (Cambridge, 2008), 311–15 and Siecienski, A.E., The Filioque: History of a Doctrinal Controversy (Oxford, 2010).

119 Bede, De temporum ratione, ed. Mommsen (above, n. 23), 324. Compare Wallis, F., Bede: the Reckoning of Time (Translated Texts for Historians) (Liverpool, 1999), who identifies Bede's debts to the Liber pontificalis in the footnotes to her translation.

120 For recent work on aspects of this see Noble, T.F.X., Images, Iconoclasm, and the Carolingians (Philadelphia, 2009) and Humphreys, M.T.G., Law, Power, and Imperial Ideology in the Iconoclast Era, c. 650–850 (Oxford, 2015).

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Papers of the British School at Rome
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