¹ G. Martelli, ‘Le più antiche cripte dell'Umbria’, Gubbio III Convegno, 353, had already proposed an investigation of the S. Paolo ruins; see also Pardi, R., Ricerche di architettura religiosa medioevale in Umbria: integrazioni ed inediti (Perugia 1972)Google Scholar.

² Cf. Un approccio interdisciplinare allo studio delle sedi abbandonate in Liguria, ed. Gruppo ligure di ricerca sulle sedi abbandonate (Genoa 1971)Google Scholar.

³ E.g. Risultati e prospettive delta ricerca sut movimento dei Disciplinati: Convegno Intemazionale di Studio (Perugia 1972)Google Scholar.

⁴ Recent work on S. Pietro in Perugia constitutes the major exception; see especially Convegno storico per il Millenio dell'Abbazia di S. Pietro in Perugia = BDSPU, lxiv fasc. 2 (1967)Google Scholar. Future research programmes are outlined in Centro Storico Benedettino Italiano: Secondo Bollettino Informativo (Rome 1970)Google Scholar, with recent bibliography.

⁵ Cherubini, G., Una comunità dell'Appennino dal XIII al XV secolo: Montecoronaro dalla signoria dell'Abbazia del Trivio al dominio di Firenze (Florence 1972)Google Scholar, provides a good recent socio-economic account of an abbey not far from S. Paolo which is based on the detailed written sources but lacks further dimensions.

⁶ Bonarelli, G. et al. , Descrizione geologica dell'Umbria Centrale (Turin 1967) 125Google Scholar and end map.

⁷ The standard geo-historical study, with excellent bibliography, lists of manuscript sources, maps etc., is Desplanques, H., Campagnes ombriennes: contribution à l'étude des paysages ruraux en Italic centrale (Paris 1969)Google Scholar; see also de Angelis, M. Sacchi, Collana di Bibliografie Geografiche delle Regioni Italiane, xii: Umbria (Naples 1968)Google Scholar. Dr. Walter Alvarez of Columbia University kindly gave geological advice.

⁸ Harris, W., Rome in Etruria and Umbria (Oxford 1971)Google Scholar, with recent bibliography. There is no positive sign that the site was inhabited before the Abbey's foundation, though the possibility remains. Civitella Benazzone was occupied by the Romans, according to certain scholars who saw in it the Vesinica of the Vesinicates mentioned in Pliny, Nat, Hist., iii. XIV, or the Iviescane which appears on an Etruscan tablet from Gubbio, but their arguments are mainly philological and largely unconvincing: references in Meniconi, 5–6. Desplanques, 108, states that archaeological remains and inscriptions show that Civitella was Roman, but no such materials seem to survive. The excavations have so far produced one possible piece of late Roman glazed pottery but no other material securely datable before c. 1100, though many of the sherds could be earlier.

⁹ The Roman and medieval road systems along the Tiber Valley cannot be traced with accuracy; but see D. Bullough, ‘La Via Flaminia nella storia dell'Umbria: 600–1100’, Gubbio III Convegno.

¹⁰ Text of 995(?) in De Donato, i. 5–7; Bonizo was, however, a common local name.

¹¹ The castellum de Civitella existed by 1068 (text in De Donato, i. 45–6): cf. the castrum Civitelle or castrum de Civitella of the 1109 and 1110 texts (infra). There is a possibility that the Mons Martelli was the spur on which the Abbey was built, since the 1109 text refers to it as situm et hedificatum in valle Pontis in loco qui dicitur Monte Martelli, but it seems more likely that the mons was the whole hill topped by Civitella Benazzone. The tertia and the sexta pars Montis Martelli ceded by Giovanni Baruncelli and by Baruncello de Sasso of Monte Martello in 1109 do not sound like portions of the restricted Abbey site. The bull of 1193 (text infra) referred to Locum ipsum in quo prefatum Monasterium situm est cum omnibus suis pertinentijs. Quicquid habetis in monte marcelli et pertinentijs suis. Quicquid habetis in Castro Ciuitelle et pertinentijs suis. In 1168 a vineyard que est in monte Martelli was bounded on two sides by lands of S. Paolo (text in De Donato, i. 158–9), which implies that the Abbey did not occupy the whole mons. In 1800 there was still a Podere della Celestina vocabulo Monte Martello: ASCP, Registri Parrochiali, 603: 1800 no. 60. However no document explicitly describes Civitella as being on the top of Mons Martelli, and the question remains open, perhaps to be resolved by further excavation.

¹² Cf. Cencetti, G., ‘L'Abbazia di S. Pietro nella storia di Perugia’, BDSPU lxiv fasc. 2 (1967)Google Scholar.

¹³ The date given, for the ‘consecration’, by the apparently reliable Tomasini, without sources (infra, 195). Tabarelli, C., Liber Contractum (1331–32) dell'Abbazia Benedettina di San Pietro in Perugia (Perugia 1967), 271 n. 2Google Scholar, places the consecration of the church on 18 May 1110. Belforti, G.–Mariotti, A., Illustrazioni storiche e topografiche della citta e del contado di Perugia (PerugiaGoogle Scholar, Biblioteca Augusta, Ms. 1420), f. 56, followed by Leccisotti, T.-Tabarelli, C., Le carte dell'Archivio di S. Pietro di Perugia, 2 vols. (Milan 1956), i. 203/4Google Scholar n. 2, place the foundation around 1000(!)

¹⁴ Text of 1110 (infra,). Belforti–Mariotti, f. 56, followed by Meniconi, 13, and Leccisotti–Tabarelli, i. 203/4 n.2, wrongly give it as Cistercian. Tomasini (infra, 195) asserts, improbably, that S. Paolo was originally inhabited by monks from Cassino.

¹⁵ S. Paolo may conceivably have depended in some way on S. Maria. Ricci, 99, and Amatori–Ricci, 267 and n. 2, state that S. Paolo was a filiale of Montelabbate, but nothing in the 1109 and 1110 texts or elsewhere justifies that or Ricci's idea that Montelabbate actually founded S. Paolo, or that the 1109 act regulated a breakaway. It is true that in 1109 S. Paolo had a prior and a prepositus rather than an abbot, but the text also mentions nostri abbates, and in 1110 the prepositus had become abbas; it does not necessarily follow from the 1110 bull that S. Paolo had not previously enjoyed the power of electing its own abbot.

¹⁶ Texts infra, 191–193.

¹⁷ S. Paolo's holdings remain to be studied in detail; no more than preliminary, and in some cases dubious, identification is attempted here. Giovanni son of Baruncelli, his wife Gisla, and Baruncello de Sasso had leased out a house near Carbonaria de Civitecula (i.e. Civitella) in 1071: text in De Donato, i. 47–8.

¹⁸ In 1128 una kasa intus kastro de Civitella was bounded by a S. Paolo property: text in De Donato, i. 93–4.

¹⁹ Texts infra, where the lacuna is assumed to be Coldalbere; Castro Eeugi is presumably a scribal corruption. F. Riccardi, Memorie istoriche della Chiesa Perugina (Ms. in AAP), vi, f. 451, followed by Belforti–Mariotti, f. 55, 56v, and others, incorrectly mentions an unknown reconfirmation of 1122 (by Celestine III!). The 1193 confirmation mentions only that of 1110.

²⁰ Texts infra. In 1304 the dependent churches within the Perugian contado were S. Giovanni della Piazza, Perugia; S. Croce, Villagemini; S. Maria, Pulviccione; S. Andrea, S. Donato and S. Feliciano, Civitella Benazzone; S. Giovanni de Coruita; S. Giovanni Colletavoleno; S. Tomà, Ramazzano; S. Niccolò, Pretola; S. Lorenzo de badiola; S. Andrea, Morleschio; S. Gregorio, Monteacuto; and S. Sergio (Perugia, Biblioteca Augusta, Ms. 1699, f. 7v–8).

²¹ The date of its foundation is unknown; its confirmation to S. Paolo when first mentioned in 1110 seems definite (text and architectural discussion, infra), but its subsequent history is confused. In 1115 it was confirmed to S. Pietro at Perugia (text in Leccisotti-Tabarelli, i. 63–8); S. Pietro, confusingly also, held another S. Angelo (cf. ibid., i. 63/4 n. 3, 221 n.2). The 1193 bull (text infra,) again confirmed S. Angelo to S. Paolo. However, Alexander III (1159–1185) had earlier confirmed an agreement concerning the monasterium of S. Angelo reached between the Abbeys of Farneta and S. Pietro, Perugia, and in 1188 a bull confirmed the monasterium to Farneta: text in P. Kehr, ‘Aeltere Papsturkunden in den päpstlichen Registern von Innocens III. bis Paul III.’, Nachrichten der K. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen: Philologisch-historische Klasse 1902, Heft 4 (1902) 543–5.

²² Boyd, C., Tithes and Parishes in Medieval Italy: the Historical Roots of a Modem Problem (Ithaca, N.Y. 1952), 126Google Scholar n. 68, 263–6.

²³ G. Mira, ‘Aspetti dell'economia umbra dal IX all'XI secolo’, Gubbio III Convegno, making much use of the Montelabbate archive.

²⁴ Concord of 4 May 1155 super differentijs et pensionibus utriusque partis (calendared in M. Pandora, Summarium Scripturarum Abbe. Vallispontis, in SMV, Miscellanea no. 52, f. 8–8v); arbitration of 28 May 1180 attested by Abbot Augustinus and six monks of S. Paolo: Petrus, (Macharuus?), Bernardus, Jacobus, Benedictus, (G …?) and Maurus (calendared in Fatteschi, f. 36v–37).

²⁵ Texts calendared in Fatteschi, f. 38–38v, 41, 74v–75, 136, 167v.

²⁶ ASCP, Riformanze 7, f. 128v–130.

²⁷ Architectural discussion, infra, 177–183.

²⁸ AV, Reg. Vat. 23, f. 180v. Almost no other record of S. Paolo's internal affairs before 1290 survives, but life must have been much like that at S. Maria, documented in detail from its household accounts by Mira, in Gubbio III Convegno, and Brentano, R., Two Churches: England and Italy in the Thirteenth Century (Princeton 1968) 241–7Google Scholar; see also infra, 183–187.

²⁹ A text of 1322, calendared in Fatteschi, f. 167v, referred to a Benedict who had been Abbot more than 40 years earlier.

³⁰ AV, Reg. Vat. 45, f. 20v.

³¹ Calendared in Fatteschi, f. 148v–149, 150.

³² AV, Reg. Vat. 50, f. 95v.

³³ AV, Reg. Aven. 26, f. 556v.

³⁴ Text infra, 195.

³⁵ Calendared in Fatteschi, f. 167v.

³⁶ Summaries in Gubbio, Archivio Cattedrale, Ms. II. C. 3, f. 74v–75, 89v.

³⁷ References supra, 151–155; infra, n. 47. A Prior and 8 frati were mentioned c. 1592 (infra, 159).

³⁸ SMV, Miscellanea no. 25, f. 2.

³⁹ Fatteschi, f. 149v (olim, f. 282).

⁴⁰ Text of 16 Nov. 1331 in Tabarelli, 270–1.

⁴¹ Text of 8 Jan. 1348: copy in Gubbio, Archivio Cattedrale, Ms. III. E. 15, f. 219v.

⁴² Examples and references in Meniconi, 19–22.

⁴³ Texts in Sella, D., Rationes Decimarum Italiae nei secoli XIII e XIV: Umbria, i (Vatican 1952), 38, 58, 67, 80, 103, 130Google Scholar; in 1333 a payment was made by dompnus Paganus, presumabl y Pagan o Crescioli (ibid., 58). Jacopo was still Abbot in Dec. 1334 (ibid., 130). The payment pro rata was at 75 libbre di Cortona.

⁴⁴ AV: OS 6, f. 3 (1317); 22, f. 168v, 187 (1355/6). Hoberg, H., Taxae pro communibus servitiis (Vatican 1949), 267, 290Google Scholar, follows the documents in confusing S. Paolo and S. Maria; both sometimes appear, ambiguously, simply as mon. Vallispontis.

⁴⁵ ASCP, Catasto, 1° Gruppo no. 37, f. 307–308v (S. Paolo); no. 57, f. 1–3 (Civitella), 103–103v (Morleschio).

⁴⁶ Perugia, Biblioteca Augusta, Ms. 1699, f. 7v.

⁴⁷ Loose sheet in ASP, Archivio Notarile distrettuale di Perugia no. 56, at f. 3v–4; an accompanying slip of paper gives the names of Bartolomeo, Abbot of S. Paolo, presumably Simone's predecessor, and of four monks: Aisarmes Pacciarelli; Pietro Angelucci de Caresito; Francesco Angelelli; and Francesco Vanni.

⁴⁸ AV: OS 57, f. 118.

⁴⁹ ASP, Archivio Notarile distrettuale di Perugia nos. 58–9, which contain over 40 acts concerning S. Paolo (1410–1415).

⁵⁰ AV:OS 70, f. 145.

⁵¹ Text in Leccisotti-Tabarelli, ii. 112–15.

⁵² ASCP, Processus 1478 IV 57 no. 4 [wrongly classified under 1478]; the outcome of the case is not recorded.

⁵³ ASCP, Riformanze 78, f. 34–8. Meniconi, 14, wrongly stated that the cistern was to be at S. Paolo. Perugia still paid a cerae portionum for a place leased for a cistern in 1642: text infra, 195.

⁵⁴ ASCP, Riformanze 81, f. 84–84v; the sum was still unpaid in 1456 (ibid. 92, f. 8).

⁵⁵ AV: OS 71, f. 59.

⁵⁶ ASP, Archivio Notarile distrettuale di Perugia no. 115, f. 89–90; the books are listed.

⁵⁷ Belforti-Mariotti, f. 56v, gives 1434, and Cervantes certainly had a pensio from S. Paolo in June 1435 (AV: OS 70, f. 145); he was no longer commendatore in Jan. 1442 (ASCP, Riformanze 78, f. 36v).

⁵⁸ There is extensive information concerning the commenda as it affected particular monastic houses, but a marked absence of general or theoretical studies of the institution; J. L. Santos Dìez, La encomienda de monasterios en la Corona de Castillo: siglos x–xv (Rome–Madrid 1961), is useful and contains a wide bibliography.

⁵⁹ Text in d'Alençon, E., ‘L'Abbaye de Saint-Benoit au Mont Soubase près Assise’, Études franciscaines, xxii (1909) 416 n. 2Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ AV: OS 76, f. 66v; it is not clear whether he was the immediate successor of Cervantes.

⁶¹ There is no proper study of Latino Orsini, but see the calendar of Orsini documents cited infra, n. 177.

⁶² AV: OS 64, f. 167v; a marginal reference to Latino as commendatore of S. Maria di Valdiponte in 1456 (ASP, Riformanze 92, f. 8) is an error for S. Paolo.

⁶³ AV, Reg. Vat. 400, f. 249v–250.

⁶⁴ Fanano, E., S. Salvatore in Lauro del Pio Sodalizio dei Piceni (Rome, s.d.), 9–12Google Scholaret passim.

⁶⁵ AV, Reg. Vat. 630, f. 103–105. No document mentions Benedictines at S. Paolo after 1468; presumably the brethren there, e.g. the eight frati of c. 1592, were canons or affiliated brethren of S. Giorgio.

⁶⁶ Under Sixtus IV (1471–84), according to Tomasini, I., Annales Canonicorum secularium S. Georgii in Alga (Udine, 1642), 352Google Scholar; cf. Pantoni, A., ‘San Benedetto al Subasio’, Benedictina, ii (1948)Google Scholar. S. Benedetto was restored c. 1600, traditionally in 1611 but a little earlier according to Bacheca, M., La cripta triastila di San Benedetto al Subasio (Assisi 1956), 25 n. 1Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Cf. Cracco, G., ‘La fondazione dei canonici secolari di S. Giorgio in Alga’, Rivista della storia della Chiesa in Italia, xiii (1959)Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ ASCP, Riformanze 111, f. 94v–95.

⁶⁹ Infra, 187–188.

⁷⁰ AV, Fondo Veneto 12894.

⁷¹ ASCP, Processus 1479 II 59 fasc. 16.

⁷² CA P 19, f. 1 (1555), 47 (1570), 49–49v (1572) et passim; the Priors are listed in the appendix, infra, 189–190.

⁷³ It was celestinorum in 1585 and 1587: AAP, Visitationes, vii, f. 17v; viii, f. 57. In 1590 it was Abbatie sci. paulj alias sci. polo de Celestinis, and in 1592 la badia dei Celestini (CAP 19, f. 147–8, 149); thereafter the name was commonly used. The wearing of the Toga colons caerulei was formally sanctioned by the pope in 1602: texts in Tomasini, 42–4, 645–7. There is no evidence whatsoever for any earlier use of the name, which did not derive from Celestine III's bull of 1193 or (as supposed e.g. in Ricci, 100) from any connection with the Celestine order founded in the thirteenth century.

⁷⁴ According to Tomasini (text infra), though both Morleschio and Pretola were held in 1770 (infra, 162).

⁷⁵ U. Nicolini, ‘La visita apostolica post-tridentina della diocesi di Perugia (1571–72): note e documents, Gubbio VII Convegno.

⁷⁶ AAP, Visitationes, ii (1571), f. 95–95v.

⁷⁷ AAP, Riccardi, vi, f. 47 (1570), 408 (1586), 879 (1542).

⁷⁸ ‘vita del Colonnello Francesco Alfani da Perugia: documento del secolo XVI’, ed. Leonij, L., Archivio Storico Italiano, 3 ser., viii (1868), 36–9Google Scholar. The story is datable to c. 1592 from a reference to Domenico Schiaffinato, Governor of Perugia in that year according to Biblioteca Vaticana, Ms. Borghese Lat. 199, f. 296. Fabiano Ghidino, who was replaced as Prior between 8 Aug. and 20 Oct. 1593 (CAP 19, f. 192v–195), had been in office since 1590, so he was not new in 1592 or 1593; his successor Camillo Faustino held office until 1596, so he did not leave Umbria in 1593 (infra, 190).

⁷⁹ Alfani, 37–8 (c. 1592); Tomasini: text infra (1642); cf. discussion infra, 183–187.

⁸⁰ AV, Fondo Veneto 12911 A.

⁸¹ CAP 19, f. 68v–70.

⁸² ASCP, Processus 1479 II 59 fasc. 16; 1482 IV 72 fasc. 5; 1497 II 115 fasc. 27.

⁸³ CAP 19, f. 49–49v.

⁸⁴ Tomasini (text infra, 195); see also CAP 19 passim.

⁸⁵ E.g. CAP 19, f. 63v–65v et passim.

⁸⁶ CAP 19, f. 122–123v; certain clauses distinguished between lauoratori del Piano and others del monte. Desplanques, 176–190, discusses the Umbrian mezzadria; cf. Jones, P., ‘From Manor to Mezzadria: A Tuscan Case-Study in the Medieval Origins of Agrarian Society’, Florentine Studies, ed. Rubinstein, N. (London 1968)Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ CAP 19, f. 65–65v (1573) et passim.

⁸⁸ E.g. CAP 19, f. 46v–47, 58v–59v, 220.

⁸⁹ A famulo appeared in CAP 19, f. 77 (1577).

⁹⁰ Petrocchi, M., Aspirazioni dei contadini nella Perugia dell'ultimo trentennio del Cinquecento (Rome 1972)Google Scholar, appeared too late to be consulted; a detailed study of CAP 19 would reveal the fluctuations of S. Paolo's economic policies and prosperity.

⁹¹ Text in Tomasini, 541–6.

⁹² D'Alençon, 418 and n. 5.

⁹³ Texts in Bullarium Romanum, xvii (Turin 1869), 737–42Google Scholar, 748–50; the inventories demanded by the pope on 6 Dec. 1668 apparently do not exist.

⁹⁴ Fanano, 14–15, 48.

⁹⁵ It is not mentioned in a list of monasteries of the diocesis of Perugia in 1694; Biblioteca Vaticana, Ms. Borghese Lat. 37, f. 196.

⁹⁶ AAP, Collationes Beneficiorum, vii (unfoliated); xv, f. 160v–162v.

⁹⁷ AAP, Visitationes, xxvii (1732), f. 103v; xxviii (1763), f. 86v.

⁹⁸ ASCP, Cause disposte per alfabeto, 6 fasc. 14.

⁹⁹ SMV, Miscellanea no. 24, f. 141–142v (29 Aug. 1770), and papers in ASCP, Cause disposte per alfabeto, 3 fasc. 4; for the rent, AAP, Riccardi, vi, f. 453; on Fabretti. Amatori-Ricci, 288.

¹⁰⁰ ASCP, Cause disposte per alfabeto, 3 fasc. 4; 6 fasc. 14.

¹⁰¹ Pro-memoria (post 1774) in SMV, Miscellanea no. 24, f. 167–168v.

¹⁰² ASCP, Cause disposte per alfabeto, 6 fasc. 14(1795–97), mentioning a former Cellerario named Alberico Perugino.

¹⁰³ Belforti-Mariotti, f. 56v.

¹⁰⁴ AAP, Visitationes, xxxii (1781) f. 75; xxxiii bis (1795) foliation lacking.

¹⁰⁵ ASCP, Cause disposte per alfabeto, 6 fasc. 14; cf. Amatori-Ricci, 289.

¹⁰⁶ Siepi, S., Descrizione topologico-istorica della Città di Perugia, ii (Perugia 1822) 842Google Scholar; Pantoni, A., ‘Monasteri sotto la regola benedettina a Perugia e dintorni’, Benedictina, viii (1954) 242Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ ASCP, Registri Parrochiali 603 (unfoliated) ad annum.

¹⁰⁸ AAP, Visitationes, xxxv bis (1820) f. 407, 412.

¹⁰⁹ ASCP, Registri Parrochiali 603; on the mill 1805 no. 25 and 1807 no. 24.

¹¹⁰ ASCP, Mappe del Vecchio Catasto 1727–1850, map 131 (Civitella Benazzone).

¹¹¹ In addition to Desplanques, see Bonasera, F. et al. , La casa rurale nell'Umbria (Florence 1955)Google Scholar.

¹¹² Apparently in 1863.

¹¹³ Desplanques, 129–133 et passim. Whether the land was already partly mortgaged, who purchased it and how and when the estate was broken up are problems awaiting investigation.

¹¹⁴ Details infra, 183 and n. 143.

¹¹⁵ Further plans, sections, dimensions and other details of the buildings uncovered will appear in the excavation report to be published later. Apart from moving large quantities of rubble, the excavators uncovered the nave and walls of the main church, much of the crypt and a strip across the cloister; they also laid trial trenches within the tower and at certain points around the church.

¹¹⁶ A notional north is used here for convenience; Fig. 2 shows the church's real orientation.

¹¹⁷ On construction materials in the Perugia region, see Rodolico, F., Le pietre delle città d'Italia (Florence 1964) 302–8Google Scholar; U. Nicolini, ‘Le mura medievali di Perugia’, Gubbio VI Convegno 720–3 et passim.

¹¹⁸ Henceforth all points referred to with a letter appear in Fig. 2.

¹¹⁹ Martelli, in Gubbio III Convegno, figs. 30, 31.

¹²⁰ W. Krönig, ‘Caratteri dell'architettura degli ordini mendicanti in Umbria’, Gubbio VI Convegno.

¹²¹ Martelli, 326–7; figs. 1, 3.

¹²² Martelli, 333; figs. 7, 7 bis; cf. Amatori-Ricci, 264.

¹²³ Martelli, 341; S. Felice plan in Tarchi, U., L'arte medioevale nell'Umbria e nella Sabina, ii (Milan 1937)Google Scholar, pl. cxlviii b; on S. Arcangelo, supra, n. 21.

¹²⁴ Martelli, 341; fig. 27.

¹²⁵ Moretti, M., Architettura medioevale in Abruzzo (Rome 1970) 136–7Google Scholar.

¹²⁶ Cf. Romanini, A., ‘Povertà e razionalità nell'architettura cistercense del XII secolo’, Atti del VIII Convegno del Centro di Studi sulla Spiritualità Medievale: Todi 1967 (Todi 1969) 189–226Google Scholar.

¹²⁷ An act was passed in Capitulo Monaster. S. Pauli in 1280: calendared in Fatteschi, f. 136.

¹²⁸ Moretti, I.-Stopani, R., Chiese romaniche in Valdelsa (Florence 1968) 111Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ The question of church proportions in Umbria is difficult to discuss because comparatively few measured plans have been published. The average twelfth-century church in rural Tuscany had proportions of 1:2, but this changed to 1:3 towards the end of the century. Examples are S. Martino at Strove, documented in 1137, with proportions of 1:2; SS. Ipolito and Biagio at Castelfiorentino, dated 1195, and SS. Jacopo and Michele at Certaldo, early thirteenth century, in 1:3 proportion; S. Maria at Talciona, 1:2 in twelfth century, was elongated to 1:3 in 1234 (Moretti-Stopani, Valdelsa, 104, 161, 277).

¹³⁰ The use of the diaphragm arch is well studied in Thümmler, H., ‘Die Baukunst des 11. Jahrhunderts in Italien’, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, iii (1939)Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Plans of these churches in Tarchi, ii, pl. lxxxi, lxxxiii; iv (1940), pl. ccxxxiv; for the dates accepted here, Italiano, Touring Club, Umbria (Milan 1966) 161, 212Google Scholar.

¹³² Plan in Toker, F., ‘Gli scavi sotto il Duomo di Firenze’, Notiziario di archeologia medioeuale, ii (Genoa Jan. 1972) 2–4Google Scholar.

¹³³ Illustrated in Moretti-Stopani, Valdelsa, 36, 81, 89, 113.

¹³⁴ Every one of the 16 thirteenth-century churches discussed in Stopani, I. Moretti-R., Chiese gotiche nel contado fiorentino (Florence 1969)Google Scholar, has a flat or square apse. The Florentine baptistery apse is analyzed in Salmi, M., L'architettura romanica in Toscana (Milan-Rome 1928) 35–7Google Scholar.

¹³⁵ Moretti, I.-Stopani, M., Chiese romaniche nel Chianti (Florence 1966), 43–50Google Scholar.

¹³⁶ Examples listed in Moretti, Abruzzo: S. Maria della Tomba at Sulmona (Aquila), documented 1241 (p. 588); S. Giusta in Aquila, after 1257 (p. 652); Atri cathedral, 1223–85 (p. 506); S. Maria di Collemaggio at Aquila, after 1287 (p. 662); parish church of S. Eusanio Forcanese (Aquila), facade begun 1198 (pp. 136–7); S. Lucia at Magliano dei Marsi, thirteenth century (p. 428); S. Maria di Farfa in Aquila, first half of fourteenth century (p. 730).

¹³⁷ The Umbrian examples, mostly illustrated in Tarchi, ii and iv, are S. Michele in Bevagna, early thirteenth century; S. Maria in Pantano near Massa Martana, mid-thirteenth century; S. Pietro at Assisi, 1268; S. Maria di Valdiponte (Montelabbate), final years of thirteenth century; S. Francesco at Amelia, S. Feliciano at Foligno, and Todi cathedral, completed fourteenth century; S. Francesco at Cascia, 1424.

¹³⁸ Discussion, supra, 175.

¹³⁹ Oral communication from Mr. Simon Pepper.

¹⁴⁰ Cf. supra, 155.

¹⁴¹ Cf. supra, 168.

¹⁴² Text infra, 195.

¹⁴³ Ricci, 100, noted in 1929: ‘[San Paolo] … è un cumulo di rovine, giacchè i proprietarj vanno via via demolendo ora una parte, ora l'altra dell'edificio, ogni volta che hanno bisogno di materiali per fabbricare, o restaurare le case coloniche … Rimane ancora intatta la cripta, bellissima costruzione romanica del periodo di transizione, dove non è arrivato il martello demolitore, forse perchè resta quasi sepolta dalle rovine … giacchè l'acqua vi penetra con grave danno delle volte formate di laterizio.’ Nine years later Meniconi, 19, wrote: ‘L'Abbazia di S. Paolo … e il Castello di Collicello non sono oggi che miserabili avanzi delle glorie passate ove mani sacrileghe e vandaliche tolgono ogni giorno pietre e marmi …’

¹⁴⁴ Bellucci, , ‘L'antico rilievo topografico del territorio perugino misurate e disegnato dal p. Ignazio Danti’, Augusta Perusia, ii (1907)Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁵ ASCP, Mappe del Vecchio Catasto 1727–1850, map 131 (Civitella Benazzone).

¹⁴⁶ Plate XXVII, b, taken from Meniconi, frontispiece; the photo does not show the casa colonica built 1915/18, and must therefore antedate it.

¹⁴⁷ Conversation on the site, July 1971; these remarks were corroborated by Sig. Ruggiero Bazzuri who until recently lived in the nearby farmhouse.

¹⁴⁸ Tomasini, infra, 195; Alfani, supra, 159–160.

¹⁴⁹ AAP, Visitationes, xxvii bis (1743) f. 32: si facci il riparo e s'intonichi e s'imbianchi infra sex menses la parete di d^a Chiesa a mano destra del entrare sopra la Porticina che conduce al Cortile.

¹⁵⁰ AAP, Collationes Beneficiorum, xv (1667–70) f. 160v–162v; Visitationes, xxvii (1732) f. 103v.

¹⁵¹ Santi, F., Galleria Nazionale dell' Umbria: dipinti, sculture e oggetti d'arte di età romanicae gotica (Rome 1969) 55–6, 205Google Scholar, provides complete discussion and bibliography.

¹⁵² The sedes confessionaria mentioned in AAP, Visitationes, xxviii (1763) f. 87, may have been the crypt.

¹⁵³ Supra, 153 (1280); infra, 195 (1311).

¹⁵⁴ These burials await complete excavation and cannot yet be dated.

¹⁵⁵ Santi, 34. The fresco, detached in 1958, is now in the Galleria Nazionale, Perugia; the inscription remains illegible.

¹⁵⁶ The Montelabbate Crucifixion was first illustrated in Fiocca, L., ‘Chiesae Abbazia di S. Maria di Valdiponte detta di Montelabate’, Bollettino d'Arte, vi (1913)Google Scholar, fig. 15. Amatori-Ricci, 272–3, and Ricci, 71–8, correctly date it to 1285, but confuse it with a later work by Meo di Guido da Siena at Montelabbate. The painter was first called the ‘Maestro di Montelabbate’ (active 1280–90) in Scarpellini, P., ‘Di alcuni pittori giotteschi nella città e nel territorio di Assisi’, in Giotto e i giotteschi in Assisi ed. Palumbo, G. (Rome 1969), 214Google Scholar n. 8. Boskovits, M., Pittura Umbra e Marchigiana fra Medioeooe Rinascimento (Florence, forthcoming)Google Scholar, will discuss this painter, considering the S. Paolo fresco about five years earlier than that at Montelabbate.

¹⁵⁷ The numbers are discussed supra, 155.

¹⁵⁸ Text infra, 195.

¹⁵⁹ An act was notarized in Refectorio in 1573: CAP 19, f. 58v.

¹⁶⁰ Plans of Montelabbate, infra, fig. 8; of S. Pietro in Tarchi, ii, pl. lviii; photos of S. Damiano in Consociazione Turistica Italiana, Attraverso l'Italia, xii: Umbria (Milan 1944)Google Scholar pl. 144.

¹⁶¹ … in appartamento superiori in secunda Camera dormetorij uersus […?], et viridarium d. Abbatis: text of 1597 in CAP 19, f. 220. Tomasini mentioned the Monachorum cellulae in 1642 (infra, 195).

¹⁶² Cf supra, 160.

¹⁶³ An act of 1598 was passed in Edifici Abbatie … in Camera R.P. Gub. iuxta Claustrum, Refectorium, et alia lat[er]a: CAP 19, f. 225.

¹⁶⁴ S. Benedicti Regula, ed. Penco, G. (Florence 1958)Google Scholar [trans. Cardinal Gasquet (London 1925)] cap. liii.

¹⁶⁵ Romanini, 205; Roehl, R., ‘Plan and Reality in a Medieval Monastic Economy: the Cistercians’, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, ix (Lincoln, Nebraska 1972), 89 n. 19Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁶ Cf. supra, 154–155.

¹⁶⁷ Regula, cap. lxvi.

¹⁶⁸ An act was passed in Claustro s. Pauli in 1234: calendared in Fatteschi, f. 74v–75. Others were passed in quadam stantia… prope daustrum (1577), and in claustro … ubi adest cistema (1593): CAP 19, f. 77, 190.

¹⁶⁹ viridarium d. Abbatis: CAP 19, f. 220 (1597).

¹⁷⁰ Cf. supra, 160.

¹⁷¹ Regula, cap. lxvi. Monastic self-sufficiency also included construction. The gothic choir and dormitory of Montelabbate were erected in 1266 and 1287 by the monks themselves, with the aid of outside builders and quarriers; they paid men propter opus ecclesiae, qui juvit nos ad faciendum chorum …; qui juvit nos ad secandum lignamina pro dormitorio …; qui adjuverunt nos ad murandum dormitorium …; qui juvit nos ad cavandos lapides …: cited (from SMV, Miscellanea no. 25) in Amatori-Ricci, 271 n. 1, 276 n. 5, 279 n. 9.

¹⁷² St. Gall (c. 820) and Cluny plans in Conant, K., Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture (Harmondsworth 1959) 21, 83Google Scholar.

¹⁷³ Supra, 156. However, if there was a bull of 1348 there in the eighteenth century either the documents were recovered or only part had been lost in 1438. Sarti, M., De Episcopis Eugubinis (Pesaro 1755) 189Google Scholar, records a papal bull of 1348 (discussed supra, 155) which a certain Angelinus had seen among the records of S. Paolo Valdiponte. This was Sarti's collaborator, Guidubaldo Angelini, who left numerous volumes of unpublished indices and schedarii at Gubbio, viz: Archivio di Stato; Archivio Armanni I. F.1; I. F.4; II. E.26–7; III. E.6, 14–16; and Archivio del Cattedrale, Ms. II. C.2 and II. C.3. Angelini was interested above all in Gubbio, and his Mss. contain only a few scattered references to S. Paolo, with no sign of systemic work there. Archivio Armanni III. E.15, f. 219v, contains the reference to the 1348 bull taken Ex script, mon. rij S. Pauli valljs pontis Perusie.

¹⁷⁴ Texts and discussions, infra, 192–195.;

¹⁷⁵ CAP 19; cf. supra, 158–161.

¹⁷⁶ Full references to De Donato, Pandora, Fatteschi and Amatori-Ricci appear supra, 148–49, 153. The archivist of S. Maria dei Lumi at S. Severino delle Marche, where Amatori died, kindly reports that no other relevant papers survive there.

¹⁷⁷ Rome, Archivio Storico Capitolino: Archivio di Casa Orsini; nothing relevant appears in the detailed calendar in De Cupis, C., ‘Regesto degli Orsini e dei Conti Anguillara’, Bullettino della R. Deputazione Abruzzese di Storia Patria, 3 ser., i–xiii (1912–1922Google Scholar).

¹⁷⁸ Fanano, 27, 41–2, 61 n. 30. A few S. Salvatore documents survive in the archive of the Pio Sodalizio dei Piceni in Via Parrione at Rome, but a limited preliminary search revealed nothing which concerned S. Paolo.

¹⁷⁹ Venice, Archivio di Stato; S. Giorgio in Alga (Inventario 83 II); there are five buste and most of the material is post-1668.

¹⁸⁰ AV, Fondo Veneto, Ms. indici 5 and 62; these documents, moved to Rome after the 1668 suppression, are described in Cenci, P., ‘L'Archivio della Cancelleria della Nunziatura Veneta’, Miscellanea Francesco Ehrle, v (Vatican 1924) 300, 314–15Google Scholaret passim.

¹⁸¹ Zakar, P., Histoire de la Stricte Observance de l'Ordre Cistercien dépuis ses débuts jusqu'au Généralat du Cardinal de Richelieu: 1606–1635 (Rome 1966) 19–24Google Scholar, describes the difficulties.

¹⁸² Details in Kehr, P., Italia Pontificia, iv (Berlin 1909) 60–1Google Scholar.

¹⁸³ Sol, E., Archives ombriennes: Us Archives episcopates de Pérouse (Paris 1903)Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁴ See Archivio Storico del Comune di Perugia: Inventario, ed. di Perugia, Archivio di Stato (Rome 1956)Google Scholar; Gli Archivi dell'Umbria, ed. per il Lazio, Soprintendenza archivistica, l'Umbria e le Marche (Rome 1957)Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁵ Other cameral documents, from Rome, are calendared in Fumi, L., Inventario e spoglio dei registri della Tesoreria Apostolica di Perugia e Umbria dal R. Archivio di Stato in Roma (Perugia 1901)Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁶ There seems to be nothing useful in the Conventi Soppressi section; the Riformagioni registers (1322 onwards) might contain relevant material. Cf. Arduini, F., ‘Inventario dell'Archivio Comunale di Gubbio’, Archivio storico per le Marche e per l'Umbria, iv (1888–1889)Google Scholar. Gubbio, Archivio del Cattedrale Ms. II. C.3, a register of parchments from the Ospedale Maggiore at Gubbio, contains two notarial acts passed at S. Paolo (supra, 155).

¹⁸⁷ Summary descriptions in Archivio Storico, 337–63, 433–52; Archivi dell'Umbria, 37–41.

¹⁸⁸ ASP, with Ms. index; buste 41, 43, 51, 148 were examined; the inventories may be in Rome, Archivio Centrale dello Stato; Ministero delle Finanze, Asse Ecclesiastico.

¹⁸⁹ Inventory of 1863 cited Santi, 56, 205.

¹⁹⁰ Lists in Desplanques, 541–6.

¹⁹¹ E.g. Lindeborn, J., Historia sive Notitia Episcopatus Daventriensis (Cologne 1670) 143Google Scholar; Lubin, A., Abbatiarum Italiae brevis notitia (Rome 1693) 404Google Scholar.

¹⁹² Text infra, 195.

¹⁹³ Full references to Meniconi, Belforti-Mariotti and Amatori-Ricci appear supra, 148-49, 151.

¹⁹⁴ Prepositus in 1109 and abbas in 1110: texts infra, 191–193.

¹⁹⁵ Fatteschi, f. 36v–37 (1180). 38–38v (1182), 41 (1188).

¹⁹⁶ Vilielmo: text infra, 193

¹⁹⁷ Uncertain (supra, 154).

¹⁹⁸ Supra, 154 (1290); infra, 195 (1311).

¹⁹⁹ AV: OS 6, f. 217.

²⁰⁰ AV: OS 22, f. 168v.

²⁰¹ AV: OS 22, f. 187 (17 June 1356); Gubbio, Archivio del Cattedrale, Ms. II. C.3, f. 89v (22 June 1357).

²⁰² CAP 19, f. 27, 50.

²⁰³ The Ascanio mentioned in 1571 as a former gubemator (CAP 19, f. 48) was possibly Ascanio de Leno of Brescia, Canon of S. Giorgio in Alga, Abbot of S. Subasio at Assisi and procurator of S. Paolo in 1572 (ibid., f. 49–49v).

²⁰⁴ Firmo is documented from 1551–77; Cirillo is documented, as his successor, in 1580: CAP 19, f. 1, 82, 82v.

²⁰⁵ For 1583-1600, CAP 19, f. 88, 104v, 105v, 107, 121, 147, 170v, 194, 217v, 220, 222v, 230.

²⁰⁶ Infra, 195.

²⁰⁷ 1477 Ms. earum.

²⁰⁸ Read omrdmoMs.

²⁰⁹ 1477 Ms. temere.

²¹⁰ Rota and monogram are copied.

²¹¹ Lacuna: possibly coli arboris (Coldalbere).

²¹² Or Ecugi: unidentified.

²¹³ 1477 Ms. infracta.

²¹⁴ Lacuna: Fraikin supplies communionem.

²¹⁵ Lacuna.

²¹⁶ 1477 Ms. sine.

²¹⁷ Rota and monogram are copied.

²¹⁸ Read Gratianus.

²¹⁹ Unidentified.