page 79 note 1 Merkt, Joseph, Die Wundmale des heil. Franciscus von Assisi, Leipzig, 1910.Google Scholar

page 79 note 2 Karl Hampe, Die Wundmale des heil. Franz von Assisi, Historische Zeitschrift, 1906.

page 79 note 3 For the pathological aspects of the phenomenon, Merkt gives satisfactory reference to Cotelle, Dumas, Imbert-Gourbeyre.

page 79 note 4 This is the position taken by Joh. Jōrgensen, in his Life of St. Francis, 1911, and Cuthbert, Life, 1911.

page 79 note 5 This is Hampe's suggestion.

page 79 note 6 Conjectured by Hase, Karl, Franz von Assisi, 1876, and again in the Handbuck der protestantischen Polemik, Leipzig, 1878.Google Scholar

page 79 note 7 The most spirited and able reply to Merkt is that by M. Bihl, in the Archivum Franciscanum, torn. iii. (1911), pp. 393 seq.

page 80 note 1 That Celano was not original in many of the details of his Vita Prima has been amply proved by Nino Tamassia (San Francesco e la legenda sua, Padua, 1906). The classic eastern hermits, and St. Benedict himself, were taken as models, through the medium of their well-known legends.

page 80 note 2 In the 91st chapter of the Vita Prima (edition Alençon, 1906, § 149).Google Scholar

page 80 note 3 The critical discussion of the question may be traced by means of the early Life of St. Francis, by Sabatier; the edition of the Floretum, by Sabatier (1902); the work by Walter Goetz, Quellen zur Geschichte des heiligen Franz von Assisi (1904); Professor Weber's excellent summary of work on the stigmata problem in the preceding volume of these Papers; and the summary of criticism offered by Joh. Jōrgensen in the Life, pp. 352 seq. The writer has been unable to consult the recent comment of Goffin, given in the appendix of his edition of the Fioretti, Paris, 1912.

page 80 note 4 For a good picture of the Cartula and a translation of the Lauds see Schnūrer, G., Franz von Assisi, Mūnchen, 1905, p. 113.Google Scholar

page 80 note 5 Its authenticity is defended by M. Bihl, Historisches Jahrbuch, 1907, pp. 529 seq.

page 80 note 6 So Merkt; at any rate, if Leo left the Cartula as a legacy to the convent, the notation would probably have been made in or about 1270.

page 81 note 1 Ed. Cuthbert, Edinburgh, 1909, § 12.

page 81 note 2 The treatment is indicated by the adverb dure.

page 81 note 3 Sabatier, Speculum Perfectionis, 1898, chap, x., p. 194(indicating demonic possession).

page 81 note 4 Written about 1280, published in Monumenia a Germaniæ Historica, Scriptores, t. xxxii.

page 81 note 5 “Dum adhuc vivebat spiritus in corpore non erat in eo aspectus sed despectus vultus eius et nullum membrum in eo remansit nimia passione,” A A. SS., Octob. t. ii., pp. 666–8.

page 81 note 6 Paragraph 113 of the Vita Prima (Alençon). Elias had said merely ‘reservates cicatrices et clavorum nigredum ostendentes.’;

page 82 note 1 Celano's description of a seraph with six wings, etc.: “Vidit in visione dei unum virum quasi seraphim, sex alas habentem, manibus extensis et pedibus coniunclis cruet affixum,” chap. 91, Vita Prima.

page 82 note 2 “O wonderful dispensation of God, which, in order that there should arise no suspicion of the newness of the miracle first showed in him who was in the skies that which a little while after was done to him who lingered on earth” (§113).

page 83 note 1 See Alençon's edition of the Tractatus de Miraculis, p. 341, where Celano cites the presence of a golden Tau on Francis's forehead as reasonably dependable evidence that the stigmatization occurred just as he had narrated it! But this was the sign made by Francis on the Cartula of the Lauds which, according to Leo, were composed on La Verna; and the sign itself was by the Joachimists of a later decade interpreted as that mentioned in Revelations vii., 2.

page 83 note 2 A complete account of Joachim, his prophecies, his writtings, his influence is non-existent, and the research embodied in the original paper cannot here be given in full. The best treatise is probably that of Fournier, in the second work he has issued on the subject (Joachim di Fiore, Grenoble, 1912). Edmund Gardner contributed an essay on Joachim to the volume of Franciscan Essays dedicated to Sabatier (1912). He there denies any direct influence ofJoachim upon the early Franciscans, although (p.63) the predictions created a hospitable atmosphere for the two Orders. Cuthbert, in his recent Life of St. Francis, asserts that the Franciscan movement was cradled in the expectancy aroused by the predictions. For a knowledge of the Basilean monastic development in Calabria before Joachim, some phases of which resemble closely those of early Franciscanism, one should consult Gay, L'Italic Meridionale (867–1071); Minasi, Le Chiese di Calabria (Napoli, 1896); Kirsopp Lake, The Greek Monasteries of Southern Italy (J. Th. St. iv., 345, 517); Battifol, L'Abbaye de Rossano; and the Vita S. Nili, AA. SS. September, tom. vii.

page 83 note 3 The bull may be found in A A. SS., torn, cit., p. 676: “Ecce in hora undecima Dominus excitavit servum beatum,” etc.

page 84 note 1 The liturgical material was collected by Monnier, Le, Vie de St. François (Paris, 1885), pp. 514Google Scholarseq. The attribution of the hymn to Gregory is challenged by Merkt (pp. 10–12). The significant phrases in that composed by Celano for the Office are: “Regulatio novis gregis, jura dantur novæ legis, renovantur iussa regis”; “novus ordo, nova vita, mundo surgit inaudita, culmen apostolicum.” —The notable phrase in that ascribed to Gregory is: “Caput draconis ultimum.” Bihl (op. cit.) upholds the papal authorship against Merkt.

page 84 note 2 The reminiscence of Jacob's encounter with the angel is reinforced by Leo's command to Angelo to wash the stone upon which the seraph had stood, and to anoint it. Elias describes Francis blessing the brothers tamquam alter Jacob. The Joachimists used this figurative language freely. (Fournier p. 19.)

page 84 note 3 Celano states in so many words that his meaning was an identification of Francis with the seraph through contemplation and an apostolic life; “who retained the image and form of the seraph and remained upon the cross, so that he deserved to soar up to the highest spiritual eminence” (Celano, Vita Prima, edition Alençon, § 113). Bonaventura, in his preface to the canonical life of the saint (AA. SS., Octob., torn, ii., pp. 800 seq.), makes no secret of this: “In like manner he is thought to be not unmeetly set forth in the prophecy of John, under the similitude of an angel descending from the sunrise, bearing the seal of the living God. Moreover it is unanswerably confirmed by an unanswerable witness, by the seal of the likeness of the living God which was imprinted on him by the marvellous might of the Spirit.” Thus a prodigious portent had become a happy simile after the collapse of the Spiritual Joachimists after 1260. So that Ubertino di Casale, in the Arbor Vitæ (1285) identifies Francis with the seraph of Rev. vii, 2, in the bold words: “Jesus Franciscum generans” (Gardner, op. cit).