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The Tamil Separatism in Sri Lanka: Some Factors undermining the Claim

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 May 2009

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The attainment of independence by many colonial peoples and territories all over the world through the process of decolonisation is perhaps one of the significant events in contemporary international law and relations. In the process of decolonisation, many distinct groups and territories under different autonomous administrations were subjected to forced unity under a single colonial administration. The grievances and expectations of these identified groups were not taken into consideration during the decolonisation process. As a result, decolonisation has created in its wake numerous multiracial States. These States are now confronted with the problem of national unity. Some of them have been able to preserve their national solidarity by defusing the separatist sentiment of dissident groups: some, however, have attempted this in vain.

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Copyright © T.M.C. Asser Press 1986

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References

1. Such an appeal has been made in The Tamils Fight for National Freedom, a memorandum submitted by the Tamil Liberation Tigers to the Seventh Summit Meeting of Non-Aligned Nations held in New Delhi, 7–15 March 1983.

2. For a survey of these facts, see A Memorandum on Discrimination, submitted to the International Commission of Jurists by the Tamil United Front, Colombo, 1973Google Scholar ; Amnesty International's Report of a Mission to Sri Lanka, 1975 (1976)Google Scholar; Schwarz, W., The Tamils of Sri Lanka, (1975)Google Scholar; Kearney, R.N., ‘Language and the Rise of Tamil Separatism in Sri Lanka’, 18 Asian Survey (1978) p. 521CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Siriweera, W.I., ‘Recent Developments in Sinhala-Tamil Relations’, 20 Asian Survey (1980) p. 903CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wriggins, W.H., ‘Sri Lanka in 1980: The Year of Constraints’, 21 Asian Survey (1981) p. 203CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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36. Ibid., emphasis added.

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44. Separation may be the ultimate rationale to restore security by a group confronted with an irretrievable discrepancy between itself and the dominant group: see Gurr, T., Why Men Rebel (1970) pp. 2258Google Scholar; Hachey, T. ed., The Problem of Partition: Peril to World Peace (1973)Google Scholar.

45. A number of common features: historical tradition, racial or ethnic identity, cultural homogeneity, linguistic unity, religious or ideologocial affinity, geographical contiguity, common economic interest and demographic strength, to give an inclusive list, combine to distinguish a group of people from surrounding groups, see the Annex to GA Res. 742 (VIII), 27 November 1953, 8 GAOR Suppl. 17, UN Doc. A/2630 (1953).

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49. Ibid. pp. 141, 162.

50. For all these recent developments, see The Bangladesh Observer, 9, 16, 17, 23 July 1985; The Bangladesh Times, 11, 16, 17, 18 July 1985; The New Nation, 17 July 1985; for earlier steps, see The New Nation, 15 December 1984; and the Far Eastern Econ. Rev., 27 December 1984, p. 24.

51. See supra n.35, Principle V, paragraph 4. See also, Emerson, R., ‘Self-Determination’, 65 AJIL (1971) p. 464Google Scholar and, by the same author, The Logic of Secession’, 89 Yale LJ (1980) p. 802Google Scholar; Nanda, V., ‘Self-Determination Under International Law: Validity of Claims to Secede’, 13 Case Western Reserve JIL (1981) p. 257Google Scholar.

52. In a number of resolutions, the OAU condemned secession in any member State, see Nayar, , loc.cit., n.6, p. 326Google Scholar. Secretary-General U. Thant denied any right of peoples to selfdetermination in an independent State, UN Monthly Chronicle, vol. 7, no. 2 (1970) pp. 36, 39Google Scholar.