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This paper will present a comparative analysis of the ethnographic writings of three colonial travellers trained in medicine at the University of Edinburgh: William Anderson (1750–78), Archibald Menzies (1754–1842) and Robert Brown (1773–1858). Each travelled widely beyond Scotland, enabling them to make a series of observations of non-European peoples in a wide variety of colonial contexts. William Anderson, Archibald Menzies and Robert Brown in particular travelled extensively in the Pacific with (respectively) James Cook on his second and third voyages (1771–8), with George Vancouver (1791–5) and with Matthew Flinders (1801–3). Together, their surviving writings from these momentous expeditions illustrate a growing interest in natural-historical explanations for diversity among human populations. Race emerged as a key concept in this quest, but it remained entangled with assumptions about the stadial historical progress or “civilization” of humanity. A comparative examination of their ethnographic writings thus presents a unique opportunity to study the complex interplay between concepts of race, savagery and civilization in the varied colonial contexts of the Scottish Enlightenment.



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My thanks for so much guidance and good advice in writing this article to Kathryn Seymour, Linda Andersson Burnett, Silvia Sebastiani, Dominik Huenniger, Pratik Chakrabarti, Annemarie McLaren, Kate Fullagar and the three anonymous referees for Modern Intellectual History. Research for this article was supported by a Riksbankens Jubileumsfond (Swedish Foundation for Humanities and Social Sciences) project grant won with Linda Andersson Burnett (Linnaeus University), entitled “The Borders of Humanity: Linnaean Natural Historians and the Colonial Legacies of the Enlightenment” (P15-0423:1).



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1 Wolff, Larry, “Discovering Cultural Perspective: The Intellectual History of Anthropological Thought in the Enlightenment,” in Wolff, Larry and Cipolloni, Marco, eds., The Anthropology of the Enlightenment (Stanford, 2007), 334; Pocock, John G. A., Barbarism and Religion, vol. 2, Narratives of Civil Government (Cambridge, 1999).

2 Oz-Salzberger, Fania, “Civil Society in the Scottish Enlightenment,” in Kabiraj, Sudipta and Khilnani, Sunil, eds., Civil Society: History and Possibilities (Cambridge, 2001), 5883.

3 Robertson, William, An Historical Disquisition Concerning the Knowledge which the Ancients had of India (London, 1791), 167; Brown, S. J., “William Robertson, Early Orientalism, and the Historical Disquisition on India of 1791,” Scottish Historical Review 88/2 (2009), 289312.

4 Wood, Paul, “The Natural History of Man in the Scottish Enlightenment,” History of Science 28/1 (1990), 89123.

5 The key stages included, “savage” hunting, “barbarous” pastoralism, settled agricultural villages, and commercial “civilisation.” See, for example, Berry, Christopher J., The Idea of Commercial Society in the Scottish Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 2013); Sebastiani, Silvia, “Barbarism and Republicanism,” in Harris, James A. and Garrett, Aaron, eds., Oxford History of Scottish Philosophy: The Scottish Enlightenment (Oxford, 2015), 323–60. Garrett, Aaron, “Anthropology: The ‘Original’ of Human Nature,” in Broadie, A., ed., The Cambridge Companion to the Scottish Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2003), 7993; Hont, Istvan, “The Language of Sociability and Commerce: Samuel Pufendorf and the Theoretical Foundations of the ‘Four-Stages Theory’,” in Pagden, Anthony, ed., The Languages of Political Theory in Early-Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1987), 253–76.

6 Sebastiani, Silvia, “National Characters and Race: A Scottish Enlightenment Debate,” in Ahnert, Thomas and Manning, Susan, eds., Character, Self, and Sociability in the Scottish Enlightenment (New York, 2011), 187205.

7 Sebastiani, Silvia, The Scottish Enlightenment: Race, Progress, and the Limits of Progress (New York, 2013); Neil Hargraves, “Beyond the Savage Character: Mexicans, Peruvians and the ‘Imperfectly Civilised’ in William Robertson's History of America,” in Wolff and Cipolloni, The Anthropology of the Enlightenment, 103–18, at 104–5, 108; Whelan, Frederick, Enlightenment Political Thought and Non-Western Societies (New York), 2009.

8 C. Marouby, “Adam Smith and the Anthropology of Enlightenment: The ‘Ethnographic’ Sources of Economic Progress,” in Wolff and Cipolloni, The Anthropology of the Enlightenment, 85–102.

9 Buchan, Bruce and Burnett, Linda Andersson, “Knowing Savagery: Australia and the Anatomy of Race,” History of the Human Sciences 32/4 (2019); Gascoigne, John, Encountering the Pacific in the Age of Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2014), 285–90; Wheeler, Roxann, The Complexion of Race: Categories of Difference in Eighteenth-Century British Culture (Philadelphia, 2000), 179–80.

10 Gascoigne, Encountering the Pacific, 288.

11 Schaub, Jean-Frédéric, Pour une histoire politique de la racie (Paris, 2015), 61, 82.

12 Charles-Louis de Secondat, Baron de La Brède et de Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws (1748), ed. Anne M. Cohler, Basia Carolyn Miller and Harold Samuel Stone (Cambridge, 1989), Book 14, chaps. 1–15, 231–45; Sebastiani, The Scottish Enlightenment, 23–44.

13 Wheeler, The Complexion of Race, 182–3.

14 Nussbaum, Felicity, The Limits of the Human: Fictions of Anomaly, Race, and Gender in the Long Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, 2003), 136–9.

15 Kontler, László, “Mankind and Its Histories: William Robertson, Georg Forster, and a Late Eighteenth-Century German Debate,” Intellectual History Review 23/3 (2013), 411–29 ; Douglas, Bronwen, “Philosophers, Naturalists and Antipodean Encounters, 1748–1803,” Intellectual History Review 23/3 (2013), 387409.

16 See, for example, Seth, Suman, Difference and Disease: Medicine, Race and the Eighteenth-Century British Empire (Cambridge, 2018), pp. 167206; Douglas, Bronwen, “Seaborne Ethnography and the Natural History of Man,” Journal of Pacific History 28/1 (2003), 327.

17 Though individual Scottish medicos have been studied, comparative analyses of their ethnographies are rare. Two such figures (John Leyden and John Crawfurd) are discussed by Jane Rendall as “Scottish Orientalists.” Rendall, J., “Scottish Orientalism: From Robertson to James Mill,” Historical Journal 25/1 (1982), 4369.

18 Martínez, María Elena, “The Black Blood of New Spain: Limpieza de Sangre, Racial Violence, and Gendered Power in Early Colonial Mexico,” William and Mary Quarterly 61/3 (2004), 479520, at 492.

19 Hannaford, Ivan, Race: The History of an Idea in the West (Washington, DC, 1996), 16; Gissis, Snait, “Visualising ‘Race’ in the Eighteenth Century,” Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 41/1 (2011), 41103, at 88–93.

20 Burnett, Linda Andersson and Buchan, Bruce, “The Edinburgh Connection: Linnaean Natural History, Scottish Moral Philosophy and the Colonial Implications of Enlightenment Thought,” in Nyberg, K., Hodacs, H. and van Damme, S., eds., Linnaeus, Natural History and the Circulation of Knowledge (Oxford, 2018), 161–86.

21 Beasley, A. W., “Promise Cut Short: The Career of William Anderson,” Journal of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh 42/1 (2012), 75–80, at 75–6.

22 McCarthy, James, Monkey Puzzle Man: Archibald Menzies, Plant Hunter (Dunbeath, 2008), 2730.

23 Eddy, M. D., “The University of Edinburgh Natural History Class Lists 1782–1800,” Archives of Natural History 30/1 (2003), 97117. Brown was enrolled in Walker's class in natural history in 1792.

24 Andersson Burnett and Buchan, “The Edinburgh Connection,” 169–70.

25 Monro “Primus,” “Secundus,” and “Tertius.” Brown also referred to Monro “Secundus” in his diary. Brown, Robert, Nature's Investigator: The Diary of Robert Brown in Australia, 1801–1805, ed. Vallance, T. G., Moore, D. T. and Groves, E. W. (Canberra, 2001), 54.

26 Bewell, Alan, Natures in Translation: Romanticism and Colonial Natural History (Baltimore, 2017); Jonsson, Fredrik Albritton, Enlightenment's Frontier: The Scottish Highlands and the Origins of Environmentalism (New Haven, 2013).

27 For instance, the notes of Monro's lectures: “Lectures by Dr Alexander Monro on Anatomy and Surgery, Edinburgh, January 31, 1778, scriptum Jas. Pennington,” ff. 703–20, esf. 706. RAMC 293, Wellcome Library.

28 Corsi, Pietro, “Systèmes de la nature and Theories of Life: Bridging the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries,” Republics of Letters 6/1 (2018), 127, at 13.

29 Haakonssen, Lisbeth, Medicine and Morals in the Enlightenment: John Gregory, Thomas Percival and Benjamin Rush (Amsterdam, 1997), 1516.

30 Rosner, Lisa, “Thistle on the Delaware: Edinburgh Medical Education and Philadelphia Practice, 1800–1825,” Social History of Medicine 5/1 (1992), 1942, at 20–21; Emerson, Roger, “Science and the Origins and Concerns of the Scottish Enlightenment,” History of Science 26 (1988), 3366.

31 Cunningham, Andrew, “Medicine to Calm the Mind: Boerhaave's Medical System, and Why It Was Adopted in Edinburgh,” in Cunningham, A. and French, R., eds., The Medical Enlightenment of the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990), 40–66, at 65–6.

32 Johnson, J., esq., A Guide for Gentlemen Studying Medicine at the University of Edinburgh (London 1792), 72–4. Also Risse, Guenter, New Medical Challenges during the Scottish Enlightenment (Amsterdam, 2005), 67104.

33 Haakonssen, Medicine and Morals in the Enlightenment, 56.

34 Chalmers, John, “Medical Jurisprudence and Public Health: The Role of Andrew Duncan Junior,” in Chalmers, ed., Andrew Duncan Senior: Physician of Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 2010), 100–13.

35 Rosner, “Thistle on the Delaware,” 22.

36 Emerson, Roger L., Essays on David Hume, Medical Men and the Scottish Enlightenment: “Industry, Knowledge and Humanity” (Farnham, 2009), 190–92.

37 Gregory, John, Lectures on the Duties and Qualifications of Physician, new edn, corrected and enlarged (London, 1772), 12–14, 16, 19.

38 Gaukroger, Stephen, The Collapse of Mechanism and the Rise of Sensibility: Science and Shaping of Modernity, 1680–1760 (Oxford, 2010), 293–4.

39 Siena, Kevin, “Pliable Bodies: The Moral Biology of Health and Disease,” in Reeves, C., ed., A Cultural History of the Human Body in the Age of Enlightenment (Oxford, 2010), 3352, at 35.

40 Gaukroger, The Collapse of Mechanism, 364–5.

41 Jessica Riskin, “Medical Knowledge: The Adventures of Mr Machine, with Morals,” in Reeves, A Cultural History of the Human Body, 73–92; Wheeler, The Complexion of Race, 28.

42 Gaukroger, The Collapse of Mechanism, 381.

43 Siena, “Pliable Bodies,” 36.

44 In his lectures on physiology, Cullen declared that “the human body is a machine that must be governed by the laws of matter and motion that affect every part of nature.” Cullen, William, The Works of William Cullen, M.D., containing his Physiology, Nosology, and First Lines on the Practice of Physic, ed. Thomson, John, vol. 1 (Edinburgh, 1827), 10. Risse, New Medical Challenges during the Scottish Enlightenment, 77. Lawrence, Christopher, “The Nervous System and Society in the Scottish Enlightenment,” in Barnes, B. and Shapin, S., eds., Natural Order: Historical Studies of Scientific Culture (London, 1979), 2027. See Cullen's “Physiology” in The Works of William Cullen, 137.

45 Thomson, John, An Account of the Life, Lectures and Writings of William Cullen, M.D., 2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1832), 1: 269.

46 Ibid., 345.

47 Ibid., 322–4.

48 This is apparent in the voluminous case notes Cullen kept on his consultations with patients. These notes have been made available by the Cullen Project, at . See also Jeffrey Charles Wolf, “Our Master and Father at the Head of Physick”: The Learned Medicine of William Cullen (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, 2015), 240.

49 Stott, Rosalie, “Health and Virtue: Or, How to Keep out of Harm's Way. Lectures on Pathology and Therapeutics by William Cullen c.1770,” Medical History 31/2 (1987), 123–42, at 140.

50 Ferguson, Adam, An Essay on the History of Civil Society (Edinburgh, 1967; first published 1767), 117–18.

51 Sebastiani, The Scottish Enlightenment, 133–4.

52 See, for example, John Walker, “An Inquiry into appearances that generally precede the downfall of states, Jan 1774,” Dr Walker's Papers, EUL CRC: M.S.S.Dc. 1. 59.

53 Ferguson, Adam, Institutes of Moral Philosophy (Basel, 1800; first published 1769), 10, 13, 1617. See, for example, Wood, Paul B., “The Science of Man,” in Jardine, N., Secord, J. A. and Spary, E. C., eds., Cultures of Natural History (Cambridge, 1996), 197210, at 205.

54 On the complicated reception of Linnaean taxonomy in Britain see Jonsson, Enlightenment's Frontier, 62–4.

55 Thomson, An Account, 2: 2–3.

56 Ibid., 693. Eddy, M., “Set in Stone: Medicine and the Vocabulary of the Earth in Eighteenth-Century Scotland,” in Knight, D. M. and Eddy, M. D., eds., Science and Beliefs: From Natural Philosophy to Natural Science, 1700–1900 (Abingdon, 2016), 7794.

57 Eddy, Matthew D., The Language of Mineralogy: John Walker, Chemistry and the Edinburgh Medical School, 1750–1800 (Aldershot, 2008), 25.

58 Lehleiter, Christine, Romanticism, Origins, and the History of Heredity (Lanham, 2014), 192.

59 Bourke, Joanna, What It Means to Be Human: Reflections from 1791 to the Present (London, 2011), 213.

60 Leclerc, Georges-Louis, Buffon, Comte de, Natural History, General and Particular, translated into English by Smellie, William, 2nd edn, vol. 3 (London, 1785), 60–70, 170–80, 205–7.

61 Kidd, Colin, The Forging of Races: Race and Scripture in the Protestant Atlantic World, 1600–2000 (Cambridge, 2006). Ferguson wrote that there was “much to be learned from … the varieties of aspect under which the species has appeared in different ages and nations.” Ferguson, Adam, Principles of Moral and Political Science; Being Chiefly a Retrospect of Lectures delivered in the College of Edinburgh, vol. 1 (Edinburgh, 1792), 6.

62 See for example: Monro, AlexanderTertius,” Essays and Heads of Lectures on Anatomy, Physiology, Pathology, and Surgery by the late Alexander Munro Secundus, M.D. (Edinburgh, 1840), xcix. Camper, Petrus, A Treatise on the Natural Difference of Features in Persons of Different Countries and Periods of Life, in The Works of the Late Professor Camper, ed. Cogan, Thomas (London, 1821), 5964. Meijer, Miriam Claude, Race and Aesthetics in the Anthropology of Petrus Camper (1722–1789) (Amsterdam, 1999), 168.

63 Blumenbach, Johan F., De Generis Humani Varietate Nativa (Goettingen, 1775), in Bendyshe, Thomas, trans., The Anthropological Treatises of Blumenbach and Hunter (London, 1865), 65–144, at 98–9, 101, 117–19.

64 Cuvier, Georges, Tableau elementaire de l'histoire naturelle des animaux (Paris, 1798), 71. Douglas, Bronwen, “Climate to Crania: Science and the Racialization of Human Difference,” in Douglas, Bronwen and Ballard, Chris, eds., Foreign Bodies: Oceania and the Science of Race 1750–1940 (Canberra, 2008), 3396.

65 For example, Hunter, John, De Hominum Varietatibus et harum causis … (Edinburgh, 1775), in Bendyshe, The Anthropological Treatises of Blumenbach and Hunter, 357–94, at 375, 387.

66 John Walker, “Natural History of the Inhabitants of the Highlands,” Walker Papers, Edinburgh University Archive, Dc.1.18.

67 Suman Seth, Difference and Disease, 241–76, has recently argued for a “locality-specific” analysis of the development of pathologies of race (“race-medicine”) in the colonies. The American physician and former student of the university, Benjamin Rush, developed a theory of disease in America which drew on both race and a stadial account of national manners. Rush, B., “An Inquiry into the Natural History of Medicine Among the Indians of North America, and a Comparative View of their Diseases and Remedies, with those of Civilized Nations,” Medical Inquiries and Observations (Philadelphia, 1789). My thanks to Dr. Sarah Irving-Stonebreaker for this reference.

68 See also Walker's posthumously published Economical History of the Hebrides and Highlands of Scotland in two volumes, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1808), 154, 157, 409, 411.

69 Drayton, Richard, “Knowledge and Empire,” in Marshall, P. J., ed., The Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. 2, The Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1998), 231–52, at 240.

70 Papers in Connection with the Estate of William Anderson, Surgeon, Edinburgh, 1787 (RH15/174), National Register Office, Edinburgh. “Inventory of the Effects found in Peebles lately possessed by William Anderson, Surgeon in Edinb., 5th April 1787.”

71 Anderson had so impressed Cook on this journey that he selected him as surgeon for his ill-fated third Pacific expedition aboard the Resolution and Discovery. McLynn, Frank, Captain Cook: Master of the Seas (New Haven, 2011), 357. See also Salmond, Anne, The Trial of the Cannibal Dog: Captain Cook in the South Seas (Albany, 2003), 304. Beaglehole points out that the official journal of Cook's third voyage, Voyage of the Pacific Ocean … for Making Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere (1784), edited by Douglas, John, incorporated “considerable interpolations” from Anderson's journal. Beaglehole, John C., The Life of Captain James Cook (London, 1974), 691.

72 The Voyage of the Resolution and Adventure, 1772–1775, volume II of the Journals of Captain James Cook on his voyages of discovery, ed. Beaglehole, J. C. (Cambridge, 1961), xlvi n. 1.

73 Thomas, Nicholas, Discoveries: The Voyages of Captain Cook (London, 2004), 307–8, for example, speculates that Anderson learned a great deal about natural history from the Forsters.

74 Lysaght, Averil, “Some Eighteenth Century Bird Paintings in the Library of Sir Joseph Banks (1743–1820),” Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History) Historical Series 1/6 (1959), 251371, at 261–2. The folio was passed on by Monro in 1785 to the University's Natural History Museum, and its keeper, John Walker. I would like to acknowledge the assistance of Ms Antje Denner (principal curator, Oceania, Americas and Africa, Department of World Cultures at the National Museum of Scotland) in tracing the provenance of this item, and Ms Georgia Rogers of the National Museum of Scotland for supplying me with a copy of Anderson's map.

75 Idiens, Dale and Knowles, Chantal, “Cook-Voyage Collections in Edinburgh, 1775–2011,” in Coote, Jeremy, ed., Cook-Voyage Collections of “Artificial Curiosities” in Britain and Ireland, 1771–2015 (Oxford, 2015), 191218, at 192. The contents of the boxes were inventoried in 1780 by John Walker. His list of the contents can be seen on pages 205–6.

76 Papers in Connection with the Estate of William Anderson, Surgeon, Edinburgh, 1787 (RH15/174), National Register Office, Edinburgh.

77 Williams, Glyn, Naturalists at Sea: Scientific Travellers from Dampier to Darwin (New Haven, 2013), 57.

78 A Journal of a Voyage Made in His Majesty’s Sloop Resolution May 16th 1776 Wm Anderson,” in Beaglehole, J. C., ed., The Journals of Captain James Cook on his Voyages of Discovery in IV Volumes, vol. 3, The Voyage of the Resolution and Discovery 1776–1780, Part Two, Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1967, 721986, at 733.

79 Ibid., 785.

80 See, for example, his descriptions of the peoples of van Diemen's Land (ibid., 785–6), New Zealand (ibid., 809), Manuae (ibid., 846–7), Tonga (ibid., 925–6).

81 Ibid., 809, 926.

82 Ibid., 840, 926. Complexion here was, in Nussbaum's words, “an indelible indactor” not just of race, but of social rank and status. Nussbaum, The Limits of the Human, 149.

83 “Anderson's Journal,” 925.

84 Ibid., 788.

85 Ibid., 896–7, 935–43.

86 Ibid., 897–9, 947–9.

87 Ibid., 933. On the role of women in eighteenth-century social and medical theory see Jordanova, Ludmilla, “Sex and Gender,” in Fox, Christopher, Porter, Roy and Wokler, Robert, eds., Inventing Human Sciences: Eighteenth-Century Domains (Berkeley, 1995), 152–83; Schiebinger, Londa, “The Anatomy of Difference: Race and Sex in Eighteenth-Century Science,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 23 (1990), 387–96.

88 “Anderson's Journal,” 787.

89 Ibid., 959.

90 Ibid., 814–15.

91 Ibid., 917.

92 Ferguson, Institutes of Moral Philosophy, 10, 13, 16–17.

93 Blumenbach cited the authority of Anderson to claim that difference in facial structure was one of the distinguishing markers of each of the human races—a feature he named “racial face.” Blumenbach, Johan F., De Generis Humani Varietate Nativa, 3rd edn (Goettingen, 1795), in Bendyshe, The Anthropological Treatises of Blumenbach and Hunter, 145–276, at 227, 229.

94 It is noteworthy in this regard that John Hunter's 1775 Edinburgh medical thesis, De Hominum Varietatibus et harum causis, concluded with this observation (at 392): “Travellers have exaggerated the mental varieties far beyond the truth, who have denied good qualities to the inhabitants of other countries, because their mode of life, manners, and customs have been excessively different from their own.” Among the authorities Hunter cited for this view was Adam Ferguson's Essay on the History of Civil Society.

95 In that sense, he could compare the governmental structures on Tahiti to those thought to prevail in fuedal Britain. Gascoigne, John, Captain Cook: Voyager between Worlds (Hambledon, 2007), 137.

96 “Anderson's Journal,” 789.

97 Joseph Banks, “Instructions to Archibald Menzies from Sir Joseph Banks prior to the Voyage of HMS Discovery 1791–95,” dated Soho Square, 22 February 1791, in McCarthy, Monkey Puzzle Man, 200.

98 Banks, “Instructions to Archibald Menzies,” 201–2.

99 Hauser-Schäublin, Brigitta and Krüger, Gundolf, “Pacific Cultural Heritage: The Göttingen Cook–Forster Collection,” in Weber, T. and Watson, J., eds., Cook's Pacific Encounters: The Cook–Forster Collection of the Georg-August University of Göttingen (Canberra, 2006), 15–28, at 20–21.

100 Idiens and Knowles, “Cook-Voyage Collections in Edinburgh,” 199.

101 These circumstances are dicussed in more detail in McCarthy, Monkey Puzzle Man, 161–7, 173–5; Mackay, David, In the Wake of Cook: Exploration, Science and Empire, 1780–1801 (London, 1985), 109–10; Lamb, W. Kaye, “Banks and Menzies: Evolution of a Journal,” in Fisher, Robin and Johnston, High, eds., From Maps to Metaphors: The Pacific World of George Vancouver (Vancouver, 1993), 227–44, at 238.

102 Menzies, Archibald, Menzies’ Journal of Vancouver's Voyage April to October, 1792, ed. Newcombe, C. F. (Victoria, 1923), for example 14–15, 40–42, 127. See also Menzies, Hawaii Nei 128 Years Ago (Honolulu, 1920).

103 For example, Menzies, Menzies’ Journal of Vancouver's Voyage, 82; Archibald Menzies, “Archibald Menzies Journal of Vancouver's Voyage April to October 1792,” British Library Add. MS. 32641, ff. 161, 247–9. In this respect, Menzies's observations were on par with those of other natural historians who maintained that “savages” had a particular kind of “countenance.” See, for instance, Smith, Samuel Stanhope, Essay on the Causes of the variety of Complexion and Figure in the Human Species (Philadelphia, 1787), 125. A more positive physical description was provided for Pacific islanders: Shineberg, Dorothy, ed., “Archibald Menzies’ Account of the Visit of the Discovery to Rapa and Tahiti 22 December 1791–25 January 1792,” Pacific History 9/2 (1986), 59102, at 67–8.

104 Consider, for example, his description of Indigenous dress and ornaments (42), and his dismissive account of Indigenous hygeine (67) in Menzies’ Journal of Vancouver's Voyage.

105 Menzies’ Journal of Vancouver's Voyage, 48.

106 Vancouver, George, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and Round the World 1791–1795, ed. Lamb, W. Kaye, 4 vols. (London 1984), 2: 538–9, 551–3, 629.

107 Menzies’ Journal of Vancouver's Voyage, 22. Following quote from this page also.

108 Fisher, Robin, “Vancouver's Vision of Native Peoples: The Northwest Coast and Hawai'i,” in Frost, A. and Samson, J., eds., Pacific Empires: Essays in Honour of Glyndwr Williams (Melbourne, 1999), 147–63, at 153.

109 Buchan, Bruce, “Pandours, Partisans and Petite Guerre: Two Dimensions of Enlightenment Discourse on War,” Intellectual History Review 23/3 (2013), 329–47.

110 Menzies’ Journal of Vancouver's Voyage, 49–50.

111 Menzies’ Journal of Vancouver's Voyage, 63.

112 Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery, 2: 612–13.

113 Menzies’ Journal of Vancouver's Voyage, 30. Menzies, “Archibald Menzies Journal of Vancouver's Voyage April to October 1792,” ff. 159–60.

114 Interestingly, Vancouver paid tribute to Anderson's study of the language of the Tahitians, but noted (as did Menzies) that their language was subject to certain word subsitutions on the death of their rulers, for reasons the newcomers could not fully fathom. Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery, 1: 427.

115 Mabberly, D. J., Jupiter Botanicus: Robert Brown of the British Museum (Braunschweig, 1985), 28–9.

116 Baudin, Nicolas, The Journal of Post Captain Nicolas Baudin Commander-in-Chief of the Corvettes Géographe and Naturaliste, trans. Cornell, C. (Adelaide, 2004; first published 1974), 379–80; Péron, François and de Freycinet, Louis, The Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, vol. 1, 2nd edn, trans. Cornell, C. (Adelaide, 2016; first published 1824), 257–58.

117 Brown, Nature's Investigator, 178–9.

118 Ibid., 25–32. Brown must have been reading Hawkesworth's, John Account of the Voyages. the Southern Hemisphere, 3 vols. (London, 1773).

119 Brown, Nature's Investigator, 33. de Pauw's, Cornelius Recherches philosophiques sur les Américains, ou Mémoires intéressants pour servir à l'Histoire de l'Espèce Humaine. Avec une Dissertation sur l'Amérique & les Américains (London, 1771).

120 Brown, Nature's Investigator, 34.

121 Ibid., 35, 37. Buffon's Discours sur le style was originally delivered to the Académie française in 1753 and subsequently published. His “Theorie de la terre” was included as part of his monumental thirty-six-volume Histoire naturelle, générale et particulière.

122 Brown, Nature's Investigator, 49–50.

123 Ibid., 52.

124 Ibid., 52.

125 Ibid., 53.

126 Ibid., 63–4, 66.

127 White, Charles, An Account of the Regular Gradation in Man, and in Different Animals and Vegetables (London, 1799), 55, 106, 125, 134.

128 Brown, Nature's Investigator, 68. This was Jacques-Julien Houtou de Labillardière's Relation du voyage à la recherche de La Pérouse (1800).

129 Brown, Nature's Investigator, 72–3. The editors note that Brown probably possessed the latest, sixth edition of Ferguson's Essay on the History of Civil Society (1793), originally published in 1767.

130 Brown, Nature's Investigator, 74. He refers no doubt to Ferguson's colleague and professor of rhetoric at the University of Edinburgh Hugh Blair's Lectures on rhetoric and belles lettres in three volumes (1783).

131 Brown, Nature's Investigator, 97. He also noted the men's genitalia, possibly a sign of his interest in de Pauw's contention that the inhabitants of the Old World were more fertile and virile than the inhabitants of the New.

132 See for instance, ibid., 231, 329, 469. Brown's visit to Van Diemen's Land occurred after the Investigator voyage was complete.

133 See, for instance, ibid., 231, 329, 337.

134 Ibid., 238.

135 Compare, for instance, Ibid., 244, 259.

136 Flinders, Matthew, A Voyage to Terra Australis; Undertaken for the Purpose of Completing the Discovery of that vast Country and Prosecuted in the years 1801, 1802, and 1803, in His Majesty's Ship The Investigator…, vol. 2 (London, 1814), 214–15.

137 Brown, Nature's Investigator, 356–8.

138 Ibid., 482–3.

139 Ibid., 469–70.

140 This and following quote from ibid., 470.

141 “Anderson's Journal,” 769.

142 Sebastiani, Silvia, “Anthropology beyond Empires: Samuel Stanhope Smith and the Reconfuguration of the Atlantic World,” in Kontler, László, Romano, Antonella, Sebastiani, Silvia and Török, Borbála Zsuzsanna, eds., Negotiating Knowledge in Early Modern Empires: A Decentred View (New York, 2014), 208–11.

143 On one occasion, Brown did record finding “what I suppose was the tomb of one or perhaps several of the natives … the Skull being tolerably perfect. I brought it off.” Brown, Nature's Investigator, 231.

144 Ibid., 346–7; , A Voyage to Terra Australis, 175.

145 “Blue Mud Bay, Body of a Native Shot on Morgan's Island 1803,” National Library of Australia, PIC Solander Box B26 #R4357. See Findlay, Elisabeth, Arcadian Quest: William Westall's Australian Sketches (Canberra, 1998), 34.

146 Good, Peter, The Journal of Peter Good, Gardener on Matthew Flinders’ Voyage to Terra Australis 1801—3, ed. Edwards, Phyllis (London, 1981), 112. Brown, Nature's Investigator, 348, does not mention particiapation in anatomizing the body but did note the bullet wound.

147 Douglas, Bronwen, Science, Voyages, and Encounters in Oceania, 1511–1850 (Basingstoke, 2014), 128–9.

My thanks for so much guidance and good advice in writing this article to Kathryn Seymour, Linda Andersson Burnett, Silvia Sebastiani, Dominik Huenniger, Pratik Chakrabarti, Annemarie McLaren, Kate Fullagar and the three anonymous referees for Modern Intellectual History. Research for this article was supported by a Riksbankens Jubileumsfond (Swedish Foundation for Humanities and Social Sciences) project grant won with Linda Andersson Burnett (Linnaeus University), entitled “The Borders of Humanity: Linnaean Natural Historians and the Colonial Legacies of the Enlightenment” (P15-0423:1).




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