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The Origins of the ‘Wang—Chiang Cooperation’ in 1932

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 November 2008

So Wai-Chor
Affiliation:
University of Hong Kong

Extract

In January 1932 Wang Ching-wei and Chiang Kai-shek came to an agreement and formed a joint leadership in the Kuomintang (KMT) Government. The alliance between the two men lasted until December 1938 when Wang defected to the Japanese side during the Sino-Japanese War. Chinese historians often term this period as the era of ‘Wang-Chiang cooperation’ (Wang Chiang ho-tso). In fact, this was not the first time when these two men came to ally with each other in the party. The first time when Wang and Chiang formed a joint leadership was in August 1925 after the assassination of Liao Chung-k'ai. The death of Liao at that time had great repercussions throughout the party and both Wang and Chiang eventually emerged as the beneficiaries in the ensuing power struggle; for a time they jointly ruled the party. However, this alliance did not last long. The outbreak of the March Twentieth Incident in 1926 made Wang Ching-wei decide to let Chiang have his way and he later led a self-imposed exiled life in Europe. It was not until April 1927 when the KMT was seriously divided on the communist issue that Wang went back to China. Immediately after that was a split in the party with Wuhan and Nanking as the two rival centres, each of which claimed to be the legitimate Party Central. Wang and Chiang respectively became the leaders of these two Party Centrals.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1991

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References

1 Throughout the period of ‘Wang–Chiang cooperation’, Wang twice retired from the government and went to Europe. The first time was in October 1932 when Wang, irritated by Chang Hsueh-liang's non-resistance policy towards Japan, resigned in protest and went to Europe. He came back in March 1933. The second time was in November 1935 when he was wounded by an assassin and retired to Europe in Febrauary 1936. He was back on the political stage in January 1937 after the outbreak of the Sian Incident. See Li, Li, Ch'ao, Hsia, Wang C'hing-wei p'ing-chuan (Wuhan, 1988), pp. 201–14, 244–56.Google Scholar

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56 The Kwangtung group led by Ch'en Chi-tang and his protégé, Lin I-chung, had since 1929 gradually consolidated their power in both Kwangtung Provincial Party Branch and Canton Municipal Party Branch. For details, see Nan-t'ien sui-yueh, pp. 131–8.Google Scholar

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77 Chu-ch'eng, Hsu, Pao-hai chiu-wen, p. 181. See also Ta-kung pao (10 July 1931), p. 3.Google Scholar

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86 The Canton delegation was composed of Wang Ching-wei, Tsou Lu, Eugene Ch'en, Sun Fo, Li Wen-fan and Wu Ch'ao-shu. On the Nanking negotiation team were Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei, Chang Chi, Li Shih-tseng, Chang Ching-chiang and Ch'en Ming-shu. See ‘I-chou chien kuo-nei-wai ta-shih shu-p', Kuo-wen chou-pao 8.43 (2 11 1931): 1, 6.Google Scholar

87 The 7 November agreement was couched in the form of a Manifesto jointly issued by the two delegations. For the agreement, see I-chou chien kuo-nei-wai ta-shih shu-p'ing’, Kuo-wen chou-pao 8.45 (16 11 1931): 45.Google Scholar

88 Ch'en Kung-po, K'u-hsiao lu, pp. 264–6. Ch'en did not entertain Wang's request to contact T. V. Soong; at the time he favoured more a ‘Wang–Hu cooperation’ than a ‘Wang–Chiang cooperation’. See ibid.

89 Wang Ching-wei, ‘Chiu-wang chih wei-i t'u-ching’, Nan-hua p'ing-lun 1. 20/21 (10 October 1931): 6–8; Wang Ching-wei, ‘I-chih mai-kuo hai-shih i-chih chiu-kuo’, ibid., I. 20/21 (10 October 1931): 2–6.

90 T'ien-ku, Ch'eng, Ch'eng T'ien-ku hui-i lu, p. 235; Chou I-chih, ‘“Fei-ch'ang hui-i”’, pp. 87–8; Meng Hsi ‘Kuan-yu “fei-ch’ang hui-i”’, p. 106; Ch'en Kung-po, K'uhsiao lu, pp. 264–6.Google Scholar

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92 For Ch'en Kung-po's attitude, see K'u-hsiav lu, pp. 266–8. For Chang Fa-k'.uei's attitude, see Meng Hsi, ‘Kuan-yu “fei-ch'ang hui-i”’, p. 108. For the attitude of T'an Chen and Sun Fo's followers, see Chou I-chih, ‘“Fei-ch'ang hui-i”’, p. 90. Ch'eng T'ien-ku also related that many party members would like Wang Ching-wei and Hu Han-min to collaborate with each other to save the country. See Ch'eng T'ien-ku, Ch'eng T'ien-ku hui-i lu, p. 236.Google Scholar

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94 Ibid., p. 267. Wang Ching-wei's decision to ally with Chiang Kai-shek was supported by Ku Meng-yu who was once an ardent advocate for ‘Wang–Chiang cooperation’. See Fan Yu-sui, ‘Wo so chih-tao ti kai-tsu p'ai’, in Wen shih tzu-liao hsuan-chi, vol. 45, p. 211.

95 Yu-wen, Chien, Hsi-pei ts'ung-chun chi, p. 166; Chou I-chih, ‘“Fei-ch'ang hui-i”’, p. 88.Google Scholar

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97 For the Fourth National Party Congress in Nanking, see Nan-ching kuo-min-tang ti-ssu-tz'u ch'uan-kuo tai-piao ta-hui’, Kuo-wen chou-pao 8.46 (23 11 1931); 111, 8.47 (30 November 1931): 1–9. See also Fan-Chiang yun-tung shih, pp. 490–7.Google Scholar

98 ‘Kuan-yu kai-tsu p'ai ti tsung-pao-kao’, ch. 7, sect. 5.Google Scholar

99 In a press conference on 27 November 1931, Wang Ching-wei stated that the 7 November agreement was not a concession to Chiang Kai-shek. He argued that even if the agreement had violated ‘some basic principle’, it was done entirely in the intersts of the whole nation. See Chung-yang jih-pao, 29 November, 1931, News paper clippings, Kuomintang Archives, 440/3(20).Google Scholar

100 Apart from the question of Chiang Kai-shek's resignation, the Kwangtung group and the party elders group also disputed the procedure of electing new CEC and CSC members as laid down by the agreement on the ground that it was not ‘democratic’, For their views, see ‘Hsiu-cheng ho-hui chueh-i an t'ung-tien’, in Ti-ssu-tz'u ch uan-kuo tai-piao ta-hui pi-shu ch'u hsuan-ch'uan pu (ed.). Chung-kuo kuo min-tang ti-ssu-tz'u ch'uan-kuo tai-piao la-hui chi-nien ts'e (Canton, 1931), pp. 68.Google Scholar

101 Fan-Chiang yun-tung shih, pp. 502–4.Google Scholar

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103 Ibid., p. 511; Chou I-chih, ‘“Fei-ch'ang hui-i”’, pp. 92–3.

104 For the mini-party congress in Shanghai, see ‘Kuan-yu kai-tsu p'ai ti tsung-pao-kao’, ch. 7, sect. 9, Fan-Chiang yun-yun shih, pp. 519–29; Ch'en Kung-pos, K'u-hsiao lu, p. 267.Google Scholar

105 At the beginning both Nanking and Canton had reached an agreement that the new CEC and CSC should have a membership of 160. As the KMT Left had produced an additional 9 CEC members, both Canton and Nanking also nominated 9 more members for each side. Thus, the new CEC and CSC membership was increased to 178. See Shen, Yun-lung, Min-kuo shih-shih yu jen-wu lun-ts'ung, pp. 320–3 Fan-Chiang yun-tung shih, pp. 501–14.Google Scholar

106 The Fourth National Party Congress in Canton ended on 5 December 1931. It was insistent on demanding the resignation of Chiang Kai-shek and sent a delegation comprising Sun Fo, Wu Ch'ao-shu, Li Wen-fan and Eugene Ch'en to Shanghai with a view to pressing for this demand. On 10 December the Canton delegation discussed the issue with the Nanking authorities, and five days later Chiang announced his resignation. See Fan-Chiangyun-tung shih, pp. 532–3; Ch'en Ming-shu, ‘“Ning-yueh ho-tso”’, p. 63.Google Scholar

107 Ibid., pp. 68–70; Fan-Chiang yun-tung shih, pp. 548–9. The list of appointments was first discussed in a meeting between Wang Ching-wei's right-hand men, Ch'en Kung-po and Ku Meng-yu and Nanking leaders, Yu Yu-jen, Chu P'ei-te, Shao Litzu, Ho Ying-chin and Ch'en Kuo-fu. See Ch'en Kung-po, K'u-hsiao lu, p. 278.

108 Hu Han-mm also declined to take up his posts in Nanking. See Yungching, Chiang, Hu Han-min hsien-sheng nien-pu, p. 515–16.Google Scholar

109 Ta-kung pao (6 January 1932), p. 3.Google Scholar

110 Ibid. (8 January 1932), p. 3.

111 Ming-shu, Ch'en, ‘“Ning-yueh ho-tso”’, p. 67; Fan-Chiang yun-tung shih, p. 543.Google Scholar

112 Ming-shu, Ch'en, ‘“Ning-yueh ho-tso”’, p. 80.Google Scholar

113 Ta-kung pao (15 January 1932), p. 3.Google Scholar

114 Ibid. (17 January 1932), p. 3.

115 In October 1931, when Hu Han-min and Wang Ching-wei met in Shanghai, they agreed to nominate Sun Fo as President of the Executive Yuan. In the event, Wang did not back Sun Fo when he reached an understanding with Chiang Kai-shek. Hu was said to have been enraged by Wang's ‘betrayal’. See Hsi-chang, Ch'en, Kuang-chou shu-fu shih-hua (Tainan, 1974), p. 270;Google ScholarT'ien-ku, Ch'eng, Ch'eng T'ien-ku hid-i lu, p. 236. Eye-witnesses' accounts confirmed that Hu Han-min strongly supported Sun Fo's government. See Chou I-chih, ‘“Fei-ch'ang hui-i”’, pp. 93–4; Ch'en Ming-shu, ‘“Ning-yueh ho-tso”’, pp. 72–3; Meng Hsi, ‘Kuan-yu “fei-ch'ang hui-i”’, p. 107. Hu's firm support for Sun Fo was most clearly expressed in his telegram (8 January 1932) to Wang Ching-wei and Chiang Kai-shek where he frankly stated that he hoped that Sun Fo could still be allowed to carry out his government duties and policies.Google Scholar For the telegram, see ‘Fu Wang Ching-wei Chiang Chieh-shih liang hsiensheng yen shih-cheng tien’, in Han-min, Hu, Hu Han-min hsien-sheng-cheng-lun hsuan-pien (Canton, 1934), p. 669.Google Scholar

116 Ming-shu, Ch'en, ‘“Ning-yueh ho-tso”’, pp. 73–5; Chou I-chih, ‘“Fei-ch'ang hui-i’”, p. 95; Chien Yu-wen, Hsi-pei ts'ung-chun chi, pp. 180–1.Google Scholar

117 Ibid., pp. 180–1; Ch'en Ming-shu, ‘“Ning-yueh ho-tso”’, pp. 76–8; Chou Ichih, ‘“Fei-ch'ang hui-i”’, pp. 95–6.

118 Ta-kung pao (9 January 1932), p. 3, (22 January 1932), p. 3.Google Scholar

119 Ibid.

120 Furuya, Keiji, Chiang Kai-shek, pp. 346–7;Google ScholarTong, Hollington K., Chiang Kai-shek, vol. 2, p. 337;Google ScholarMing-shu, Ch'en, ‘“Ning-yueh ho-tso”’, pp. 79–80; Chou I-chih, ‘“Fei-ch'ang hui-i”’, p. 96.Google Scholar

121 In a publication printed by Hu Han-min's supporters in Canton in 1934, it was alleged that both Wang and Chiang had forced Sun Fo to resign. See Fan-Chiang yun-tung shih, pp. 552, 557.

122 Furuya, Keiji, Chiang Kai-shek, p. 347.Google Scholar

123 Kung-po, Ch'en, K'u-hsiao lu, pp. 327–32;Google ScholarYu-sui, Fan, ‘Wo so chih-tao ti kai-tsu p'ai”, in Wen-shih tsu-liao hsuan, vol. 45, p. 230.Google Scholar