No CrossRef data available.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 August 2019
This article uses the case of the London Missionary Society (LMS) in China to argue that disruptive cultural technologies—namely organizational forms and tools—were just as significant within Christian mission encounters as religious doctrines or material technologies. LMS missionaries did not convert as many Chinese to Christianity as they hoped, but their auxiliary efforts were more successful. The LMS mission project facilitated the transfer of certain cultural technologies such as church councils to administer local congregations or phonetic scripts to facilitate literacy. Once in the hands of native Christians and non-Christians alike, these cultural technologies could be freely adapted for a variety of purposes and ends that often diverged from the missionaries’ original intent and expectation. This article draws on the letters and reports of missionaries of the London Missionary Society in North China from roughly 1900 to 1930—the period during which self-governing Protestant congregations took root in China and many places around the world. The spread of church government structures and a culture of Bible-reading enabled Chinese within the mission sphere to create new forms of collective life. These new forms of community not only tied into local networks, but also connected to transnational flows of information, finances, and personnel. Native Christian communities embraced new, alternative sources of community authority—the power of God working through a group of ordinary people or through the biblical text—that proved both attractive and disruptive.
1 Obituary of Samuel Evans Meech, January 1937, ‘Manuscripts and matching press cuttings’, Conference of British Missionary Societies Box 109, SOAS Archives and Special Collections, London.
2 S. Evans Meech, letter of 25 April 1877, Beijing, Council for World Mission Archives/Incoming letters (see Inventory v. 33) 1860–1927/North China Box no. 1-25, (H-2139) Zug. 1978/MFC 266.0095.L846CN, Microfiche 52–53 B. These particular documents come from the microfiche version of the Council for World Mission (formerly London Missionary Society) Archives held in the Special Collections and Archives of Hong Kong Baptist University. Hereafter, these microfilm records at HKBU will be identified as ‘HKBU CWM’. Other documents referenced in this article come from the original hard copies kept at SOAS Archives and Special Collections. Hereafter, documents from this hard-copy collection will be identified as ‘SOAS CWM/LMS’.
3 S. Evans Meech, letter of 25 April 1877, Beijing, HKBU CWM/Incoming letters/North China, 52–53 B.
4 Lovett, R., The History of the London Missionary Society, 1795–1895, London, Henry Frowde, 1899, pp. 562–567Google Scholar. https://archive.org/details/historyoflondonm02love [accessed, 29 June 2017].
5 Welch, H., The Practice of Chinese Buddhism, 1900–1950, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1967, pp. 143–177Google Scholar.
6 See, for instance, the term 牧師 mushi in Ephesians 4:11 in the 1872 The New Testament (Mandarin), Peking (Beijing), American Mission Press, 1872, Yale Divinity School Special Collections.
7 S. Evans Meech, letter of 24 April, 1890, Beijing, HKBU CWM/Incoming letters/North China, 139 D.
8 Goodall, N., A History of the London Missionary Society, 1890–1945, London, New York, and Toronto, Oxford University Press, 1954, p. 142Google Scholar. In addition to these mission stations in North China, including Rehe province, the LMS also maintained missions in Jiangsu, Hubei, Hunan, Sichuan, Fujian, and Guangdong provinces. The number of missions varied over time but eventually reached around two dozen.
9 Brook, T., ‘Auto-organization in Chinese society’, in Civil Society in China, Brook, T. and Frolic, B. M. (eds), Abingdon, Routledge, 2015, pp. 19–45Google Scholar.
11 Goossaert, V., ‘Republican church engineering: the national religious association in 1912 China’, in Chinese Religiosities: Afflictions of Modernity and State Formation, Yang, M. H. (ed.), Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 2008, pp. 209–232Google Scholar.
12 Szonyi, M., Practicing Kinship: Lineage and Descent in Late Imperial China, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2002Google Scholar; Goodman, B., Native Place, City, and Nation: Regional Networks and Identities in Shanghai, 1853–1937, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1995Google Scholar; Naquin, S., Peking: Temples and City Life, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 2000, pp. 598–621Google Scholar.
13 Naquin, Peking, pp. 499–564.
14 Ownby, D., Brotherhood and Secret Societies in Early and Mid-Qing China: the Formation of a Tradition, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1996Google Scholar.
15 Duara, P., Culture, Power, and the State: Rural North China, 1900–1942, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1988, pp. 130–131Google Scholar.
16 For examples of important empirical and theoretical studies, see Lutz, J. G., China and the Christian Colleges, 1850–1950, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1971Google Scholar; Ileto, R. C., Pasyon and Revolution: Popular Movements in the Philippines, 1840–1910, Quezon City, Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1979Google Scholar; Viswanathan, G., Outside the Fold: Conversion, Modernity, and Belief, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 1998Google Scholar; Dunch, R., Fuzhou Protestants and the Making of Modern China, 1857–1927, New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 2001Google Scholar.
17 See Dunch, R., ‘Beyond cultural imperialism: cultural theory, Christian missions, and global modernity’, History and Theory, vol. 41, no. 3, October 2002, pp. 301–325CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Two recent studies have noted that missionary and native religious paradigms were not separate and distinct but overlapped significantly from the outset. Blanco, J. D., Frontier Constitutions: Christianity and Colonial Empire in the Nineteenth-century Philippines, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 2009, pp. 99–107Google Scholar; Harrison, H., The Missionary's Curse and Other Tales from a Chinese Catholic Village, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 2013, pp. 4–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Two recent studies showing unintended or unexpected outcomes of Christian missionary efforts are Rafael, V. L., Contracting Colonialism: Translation and Christian Conversion in Tagalog Society under Early Spanish Rule, Durham, NC, Duke University Press, 2012Google Scholar; and Sharkey, H. J. (ed.), Cultural Conversions: Unexpected Consequences of Christian Missionary Encounters in the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia, Syracuse, NY, Syracuse University Press, 2013Google Scholar.
18 Hutchinson, W. R., ‘A moral equivalent for imperialism: Americans and the promotion of “Christian Civilization”, 1880–1920’, in Missionary Ideologies in the Imperialist Era: 1880–1920, Hutchinson, W. R. and Christensen, Torben (eds), Aarhus, Christensens Bogotrykkeri, 1982, p. 174Google Scholar; Schlesinger, A. Jr, ‘The missionary enterprise and theories of imperialism’, in The Missionary Enterprise in China and America, Fairbank, J. K. (ed.), Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1974, p. 363Google Scholar; Petras, J., ‘Cultural imperialism in the late 20th century’, Journal of Contemporary Asia, vol. 23, no. 2, 1993, pp. 139–148CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Comaroff, J. and Comaroff, J. L., Of Revelation and Revolution (Vol. I): Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1991CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Of Revelation and Revolution (Vol. II): the Dialectics of Modernity on a South African Frontier, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1997Google Scholar. In addition to Western academic scholarship, Chinese intellectuals have criticized Christian missions for their perceived connections to or implementation of imperialism since at least the 1920s.
19 Landau, P. S., The Realm of the Word: Language, Gender, and Christianity in a Southern African Kingdom, Portsmouth, NH, Heinemann, 1995Google Scholar; Porter, A., ‘“Cultural imperialism” and Protestant missionary enterprise, 1780–1914’, The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, vol. 25, no. 3, 1997, pp. 367–391CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dunch, ‘Beyond cultural imperialism’; Cox, J., Imperial Fault Lines: Christianity and Colonial Power in India, 1818–1940, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2002, p. 152Google Scholar; Sanneh, L., ‘Introduction’, in The Changing Face of Christianity: Africa, the West, and the World, Sanneh, L. and Carpenter, J. A. (eds), Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2005CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Makdisi, U., Artillery of Heaven: American Missionaries and the Failed Conversion of the Middle East, Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press, 2008Google Scholar.
20 See M. Matsutani, ‘Church over nation: Christian missionaries and Korean Christians in colonial Korea’, PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 2012. On the instability of missionary cultural change, see Yang, S. Y., ‘Headhunting, Christianity, and history among the Bugkalot (Ilongot) of northern Luzon, Philippines’, Philippine Studies, vol. 59, no. 2, June 2011, pp. 155–186Google Scholar.
21 Walls, A. F., The Missionary Movement in Christian History: Studies in the Transmission of Faith, Maryknoll, NY, Orbis, 1996Google Scholar; Sanneh, L., Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture, Maryknoll, NY, Orbis, 1989Google Scholar; Jenkins, P., The Next Christendom: the Coming of Global Christianity, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2002CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Anderson, A., An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2004Google Scholar.
22 Robert, D. L. (ed.), Converting Colonialism: Visions and Reality in Mission History, 1706–1914, Grand Rapids, MI, Eerdmans, 2008, p. 2Google Scholar.
23 Dunch, ‘Beyond cultural imperialism’, pp. 312–313.
24 Robertson, R., ‘Glocalization: time-space and homogeneity-heterogeneity’, in Global Modernities, Featherstone, M., Lash, S., and Robertson, R. (eds), London, SAGE Publications Ltd, 1995Google Scholar; Harrison, H., ‘“A penny for the little Chinese”: the French Holy Childhood Association in China, 1843–1951’, The American Historical Review, vol. 113, no. 1, February 2008, pp. 72–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
25 Wiyono, G., ‘Pentecostalism in Indonesia’, in Anderson, A. and Tang, E. (eds), Asian and Pentecostal: The Charismatic Face of Christianity in Asia, 2nd edn, Eugene, OR, Wipf and Stock, 2011, pp. 248–265Google Scholar; Lee, J. T. H., ‘The Christian century of South China: church, state, and community in Chaozhou (1860–1990)’, in Jansen, T., Klein, T., and Meyer, C. (eds), Globalization and the Making of Religious Modernity in China: Transnational Religions, Local Agents, and the Study of Religion, 1800–present, Leiden and Boston, Brill, 2014Google Scholar; Inouye, M., ‘Charismatic moderns: Chinese Christian print culture in the early twentieth century’, Twentieth Century China, vol. 42, no. 1, January 2017, pp. 26–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
26 Pratt, M. L., Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation, 2nd edn, London, Routledge, 2007CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Landau, P. S., in Landau, P. S. and Kaspin, D. D. (eds), Images and Empires: Visuality in Colonial and Postcolonial Africa, Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA, University of California Press, 2002, pp. 141–171Google Scholar.
27 See M. Sebastian, ‘The scholar-missionaries of the Basel Mission in Southwest India: language, identity, and knowledge in flux’, in Sharkey (ed.), Cultural Conversions, pp. 176–202; J. R. Case, ‘Interpreting Karen Christianity: the American Baptist reaction to Asian Christianity in the nineteenth century’, in Sanneh and Carpenter (eds), The Changing Face of Christianity, pp. 135–152; Ngo, T., ‘The “short-waved” faith: Christian broadcasting and Protestant conversion of the Hmong in Vietnam’, MMG Working Paper 09–11, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, 2009Google Scholar; Blanco, Frontier Constitutions, pp. 95–125; Kalu, O., ‘Passive revolution and its saboteurs: African Christian initiative in the era of decolonization, 1955–1975’, in Stanley, B. (ed.), Missions, Nationalism, and the End of Empire, Grand Rapids, MI, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2003, pp. 250–277Google Scholar; D. M. Gordon, ‘Conflicting conversions and unexpected Christianities in Central Africa’, in Sharkey (ed.), Cultural Conversions, pp. 29–48.
28 Kwok, P. L., ‘Chinese women and Protestant Christianity’, in Christianity in China: from the Eighteenth Century to the Present, Bays, D. H. (ed.), Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1996, pp. 194–208Google Scholar; D. Peterson, ‘The rhetoric of the word: Bible translation and Mau Mau in colonial Central Kenya’, in Stanley (ed.), Missions, pp. 165–179; Ngo, ‘The “short-waved” faith’.
29 Shankar, S., ‘Medical missionaries and modernizing emirs in colonial Hausaland: leprosy control and native authority in the 1930s’, Journal of African History, vol. 48, no. 1, March 2007, pp. 45–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kurtz, J., ‘Messenger of the sacred heart: Li Wenyu (1840–1911) and the Jesuit periodical press in late Qing Shanghai’, in Brokaw, C. and Reed, C. A. (eds), From Woodblocks to the Internet: Chinese Publishing and Print Culture in Transition, circa 1800 to 2008, Leiden, Brill, 2010, pp. 82–91Google Scholar.
30 Gordon, ‘Conflicting conversions’, pp. 29–48; Choi, H., Gender and Mission Encounters in Korea: New Women, Old Ways, Los Angeles and Berkeley, University of California Press, 2009, p. 25Google Scholar; Kwok, ‘Chinese women’, pp. 200–201; Case, ‘Interpreting Karen Christianity’, pp. 137–139; Ngo, ‘The “short-waved” faith’, pp. 19–20; Y. H. Lee, ‘The Korean Holy Spirit movement in relation to Pentecostalism’, in Anderson and Tang (eds), Asian and Pentecostal, pp. 413–417.
31 Sebastian, ‘The scholar-missionaries’, pp. 190–191.
32 Choi, Gender and Mission Encounters in Korea, pp. 25, 64, 70.
33 Lee, ‘The Korean Holy Spirit movement’, pp. 413–417.
34 Cox, Imperial Fault Lines, pp. 116–152.
35 Blanco, Frontier Constitutions, pp. 122–125.
36 Gordon, ‘Conflicting conversions’, pp. 29–30, 38–39.
37 This point about the relative ineffectuality of missionary work is also made in Porter, ‘“Cultural imperialism”’; Case, J. R., An Unpredictable Gospel: American Evangelicals and World Christianity, 1812–1920, New York, Oxford University Press, 2012CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dunch, ‘Beyond cultural imperialism’; Blanco, Frontier Constitutions.
38 Ross, R., ‘Congregations, missionaries and the Grahamstown Schism of 1842–3’, in The London Missionary Society in Southern Africa, 1799–1999: Historical Essays in Celebration of the Bicentenary of the LMS in Southern Africa, de Gruchy, J. (ed.), Athens, Ohio, Ohio University Press, 2000, p. 120Google Scholar.
39 Ibid., pp. 120–131; E. Elbourne, ‘Whose gospel? Conflict in the LMS in the early 1840s’, in de Gruchy (ed.), The London Missionary Society, pp. 132–155.
40 In letters from LMS North China missionaries to their home offices around the turn of the twentieth century, missionaries regularly complained about stretched financial resources due to either home offices’ lack of support or fluctuating exchange rates. See, for instance, W. Hopkyn Rees, letter of 24 April, Beijing, HKBU CWM/Incoming letters/North China, 140D; S. Evans Meech, letter of 24 April 1890, Beijing, HKBU CWM/Incoming letters/North China, 139 D; W. Hopkyn Rees, letter of 03 July 1896, Xiaozhang, HKBU CWM/Incoming letters/North China, 199 A; S. Evans Meech, letter of 12 December 1902, Beijing, HKBU CWM/Incoming letters/North China, 280.
42 S. Evans Meech, report for 1914, Beijing, HKBU CWM/North China/Reports, MF 729; W. F. Rowlands, report for 1921, Xiaozhang, HKBU CWM/North China/Reports, MF 752.
43 Anderson, B., Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, London, Verso, 1983Google Scholar.
44 Lovett, The History, pp. 222–234.
45 Goodall, A History, chapters on India, China, Africa, and Samoa.
48 Lovett, The History, p. 222.
49 W. F. Rowlands, report for 1921, Xiaozhang, HKBU CWM/North China/Reports, MF 752.
50 Naquin, Peking, pp. 565–678.
51 A. M. Jowett Murray, report for 1930, Cangzhou, HKBU CWM/North China/Reports, MF 781.
53 Goodall, A History, pp. 7–8, emphasis in original. In 1854, a similar statement by Dr Rufus Anderson, secretary of the American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions, gained popular currency. Anderson used the phrase ‘self-propagating’ in a report of 1854, which led to a recasting of the Board's policy in 1856. Goodall, A History, p. 8.
54 T. Bryson, report for 1898, Tianjin, HKBU CMS/North China/Reports, MF 670.
55 Bays, A New History, p. 94.
56 S. Evans Meech, report for 1906, Beijing, SOAS CWM/LMS/North China/Reports/Box 5/1904–1907.
57 Wei Enbo, Shengling zhen jianzheng shu I (The True Testimony of the Holy Spirit, Volume I), Beijing, True Jesus Church, circa 1917, 3A and 45A. Here, Wei Enbo, who went on to find the True Jesus Church, claimed that the land for the ‘China Christian Church’ was given to them by S. Evans Meech (Mi Zhiwen) of the London Missionary Society. He claimed to have made the application with the Qing government (prince Regent's) but the church may have been completed in 1912. Bays dates the earliest independent churches in Beijing to 1912–1913. Bays, A New History, pp. 96, 102.
58 E. J. Stuckey, report for 1920, Beijing, CWM/North China/Reports, MF 748.
59 J. D. Liddell, report for 1916, Beijing countryside, CWM/North China/Reports, MF 735.
60 W. T. Rowlands, report for 1923, Xiaozhang, SOAS CWM/LMS/North China/Reports/Box 9 1922–1927.
61 I. Greaves, report for 1926, Beijing, SOAS CWM/LMS/North China/Reports/Box 9 1922–1927.
62 Lovett, The History, p. 225.
63 J. D. Liddell, report for 1917, Beijing, HKBU CWM/North China/Reports, MF 740.
64 A. Peill, report for 1905, Cangzhou, SOAS CWM/LMS/North China/Reports/Box 5/1904–1907.
66 T. Howard Smith, report for 1922, Beijing countryside, HKBU CWM/North China/Reports, MF 754.
67 A. G. Bryson, report for 1930, Cangzhou, HKBU CWM/North China/Reports, MF 774.
68 For more on the True Jesus Church, see Lian, Redeemed by Fire; Lian, X., ‘A messianic deliverance for post-dynastic China: the launch of the True Jesus Church in the early twentieth century’, Modern China, vol. 34, no. 4, October 2008, pp. 407–441CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kao, C. Y., ‘The Cultural Revolution and the emergence of Pentecostal-style Protestantism in China’, Journal of Contemporary Religion, vol. 24, no. 2, May 2009, pp. 171–188CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bays, D. H., ‘Indigenous Protestant churches in China, 1900–1937: a Pentecostal case study’, in Indigenous Responses to Western Christianity, Kaplan, S. (ed.), New York, New York University Press, 1995, pp. 124–143Google Scholar; and Inouye, M. W., China and the True Jesus: Charisma and Organization in a Chinese Christian Church, New York, Oxford University Press, 2019CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
69 E. E. Bryant, report for 1927, Cangzhou, HKBU CWM/North China/Reports, MF 768.
70 E. S. Murray, report for 1928, Cangzhou, HKBU CWM/North China/Reports, MF 770.
71 Inouye, M. W., ‘Charismatic crossings: Bernt Berntsen and Wei Enbo, and the beginnings of Chinese Pentecostal Christianity’, in Global Charismatic and Pentecostal Chinese Christianity, Yang, F., Tong, J. K. C., and Anderson, A. H. (eds), Leiden, Brill, 2017, pp. 91–117Google Scholar.
72 S. Evans Meech, report for 1904, Beijing, HKBU CMS/North China/Reports, MF 690.
73 Harrison, The Missionary's Curse, pp. 50, 203.
74 Scott, G. A., ‘Navigating the sea of scriptures: Ding's Buddhist Studies Collectanea, 1918–1923’, in Religious Publishing and Print Culture in Modern China, Clart, P. and Scott, G. A. (eds), Boston and Berlin, DeGruyter, 2015, pp. 91–138Google Scholar.
75 Ferrell, L., The Bible and the People, New Haven, Yale University Press, 2009, pp. 60–62Google Scholar.
76 Sanneh, Translating the Message.
77 S. G. Peill, report for 1917, Cangzhou, SOAS CWM/LMS/North China/Reports Box 8-1915–1921.
78 Goodall, A History, pp. 194–195.
79 Loh, I. J., ‘Chinese translations of the Bible’, in An Encyclopedia of Translation: Chinese-English, English-Chinese, Chan, Sin-Wai and Pollard, D. E. (eds.), Hong Kong, Chinese University Press, 2001, p. 67Google Scholar.
80 Goodall, A History, p. 195.
81 S. G. Peill, report for 1917, Cangzhou, SOAS CWM/LMS/North China/Reports Box 8-1915–1921.
82 Peill's report for 1917 notes reports of use of Wang-Peill script from Shandong and Fujian.
83 S. G. Peill, report for 1917, Cangzhou, SOAS CWM/LMS/North China/Reports Box 8-1915–1921.
84 S. G. Peill, ‘Paper written by request for the 1923 conference of the China Medical Missionary Association’, HKBU CWM/North China/Reports, MF 755.
85 S. G. Peill, ‘Paper written by request for the 1923 conference of the China Medical Missionary Association’, HKBU CWM/North China/Reports, MF 755.
87 S. G. Peill, report for 1917, Cangzhou, CWM/LMS/North China/Reports Box 8-1915–1921.
88 I. Greaves, report for 1926, Beijing, CWM/North China/Reports/Box 9 1922–1927.
89 Lee, J. T. H., ‘Gospel and gender: female Christians in Chaozhou, South China’, in Pioneer Chinese Christian Women: Gender, Christianity, and Social Mobility, Lutz, J. G. (ed.), Bethlehem, Lehigh University Press, 2010, pp. 182–198Google Scholar.
90 O. K. Ling, ‘Bible women’, in Lutz (ed.), Pioneer Chinese Christian Women, pp. 246–266.
92 W. T. Rowlands, report for 1922, Xiaozhang, HKBU CWM/North China/Reports, MF 755.
93 On Republican-era religious publishing, see Katz, P., Religion in China and Its Modern Fate, Waltham, MA, Brandeis University Press, 2014, pp. 69–108Google Scholar; Clart and Scott (eds), Religious Publishing and Print Culture in Modern China; Inouye, ‘Charismatic moderns’, pp. 26–51.
94 Lee, ‘Gospel and gender’, p. 191.
95 R. Dunch, ‘“Mothers to our country”: education and ideology among Chinese Protestant women, 1870–1930’, in Lutz (ed.), Pioneer Chinese Christian Women, pp. 324–350 (p. 341).
96 Dunch, Fuzhou Protestants.
97 Lily Lee Tsai's contemporary notion of a ‘solidary community’—that is, a community defined by group subscription to shared moral standards—comes to mind as an example of the significance of the link between moral reputation and community administration. Tsai, L. L., ‘The struggle for village public goods provision: information institutions of accountability in rural China’, in Grassroots Political Reform in Contemporary China, Perry, E. and Goldman, M. (eds), Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 2007, pp. 117–148Google Scholar.
98 Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 81.
99 Inouye, ‘Charismatic crossings’.
100 See Inouye, China and the True Jesus.
101 Rahav, The Rise of Political Intellectuals in Modern China, especially Chapter Two. Although Yun Daiying drew on China's intellectual tradition rather than religious faith, Yun seems to have found in the camp what he sought: inspiration and techniques for establishing a student organization.
102 Rahav, The Rise of Political Intellectuals in Modern China, pp. 52, 57–58, 138.
104 C. A. Keller, ‘The Christian student movement, YMCAs, and transnationalism’, Journal of American-East Asian Relations, vol. 13, Special Volume—Christianity as an issue in the history of United States–China Relations (2004–2006), pp. 55–80 (pp. 62–63).
105 Hedlund, R. E., Christianity Made in India: From Apostle Thomas to Mother Theresa, Minneapolis, MN, Augsburg Fortress, 2017, pp. 153CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Anderson, A., ‘A time to share love: global Pentecostalism and the social ministry of David Yonggi Cho’, Journal of Pentecostal Theology, vol. 21, no. 1, 2012, pp. 152–167CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
106 Lee, ‘The Korean Holy Spirit movement’, pp. 413–422.
Full text views reflects PDF downloads, PDFs sent to Google Drive, Dropbox and Kindle and HTML full text views.
No CrossRef data available.