1 “September 4 Selected,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, May 13, 1909.

2 “September 4 Selected.”

3 “Dedicate the Monument,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Apr. 1, 1909. For a copy of the program, see: “Marshall County, Indiana,” www.potawatomi-tda.org/indiana/chiefms.htm. (accessed Aug. 10, 2023).

4 “Dedicate the Monument,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Apr. 1, 1909.

5 “The Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909. This behavior predates Cherokee Removal commemorations that took place in the south during the 1920s and thereafter. According to historian Andrew Denson, commemorating the Cherokee Trail of Tears involved settlers making “monuments to absence,” which involved “expressions of regret for Cherokee loss and even apologies for the injustice of the Trail of Tears.” See Denson, Andrew, Monuments to Absence: Cherokee Removal and the Contest over Southern Memory (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017), 8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 “Indian Monument Dedicated Sept. 4,” Argos (Indiana) Reflector, Sept. 9, 1909, 1; “The Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909, 1.

7 “The Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909, 8.

8 Wolfe, Patrick, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” Journal of Genocide Research 8 (Dec. 2006): 388 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 O’Brien, Jean M., Firsting and Lasting: Writing Indians Out of Existence in New England (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, xii. As historian James Joseph Buss and literary scholar Lucy Maddox have shown, removing Native peoples from their homelands in the nineteenth century required both physical and literary violence directed towards the owners and occupants of the land. For more on the role of language and literature in nineteenth century Indian Removal projects, see Buss, James Joseph, Winning the West with Words: Language and Conquest in the Lower Great Lakes (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2011)Google Scholar; Maddox, Lucy, Removals: Nineteenth-Century American Literature and the Politics of Indian Affairs (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 O’Brien, Firsting and Lasting, xxiii.

11 Tuck, Eve and Yang, K. Wayne, “Decolonization Is Not a Metaphor,” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education and Society 1 (Sept. 2012): 9.Google Scholar

12 Tuck and Yang, “Decolonization Is Not a Metaphor,” 9.

13 This language remains imperfect, imprecise, and Euro-American-centric. For now, I reluctantly borrow “unremoved” and “unremoval” from the most comprehensive study of how the Pokagon Band of Potawatomi avoided removal written to date, W. Benjamin Secunda, “In the Shadow of the Eagle’s Wings: The Effects of Removal on the Unremoved Potawatomi” (PhD diss., University of Notre Dame, 2008). For a study of Northern Indian Removal, see Bowes, John, Land Too Good for Indians: Northern Indian Removal (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2016)Google Scholar.

14 In this paper, I use the terms “Pokagon Band of Potawatomi Indians,” “Pokagon Band of Potawatomi,” “Pokagon Band,” and “Pokagon Potawatomi,” to refer to the ancestors of the contemporary Pokagon Band of Potawatomi Nation. I use “Native American,” “American Indian,” “Native,” and “Indigenous” interchangeably. When directly quoting from primary and secondary sources, and when considering Progressive Era worldviews and vernacular, I use “Indian.” When problematizing the appropriation of “Indian” for settler memorialization purposes, I use “non-Indian(s)” to challenge their claims to Indigeneity.

15 According to anthropologist W. Benjamin Secunda, Pokagon’s Band of Potawatomi avoided removal due to Simon’s father Leopold Pokagon’s insistence that he and his followers were Catholic and “civilized” and, therefore, deserved to stay in the region. Pokagon’s refusal to remove eventually resulted in U.S. treaty negotiator George Porter agreeing to add a supplemental article to the 1833 Treaty of Chicago that allowed Pokagon’s Band of Potawatomi to remain in the region “on account of their religious creed.” Only after this stipulation was written on the document did Leopold Pokagon agree to sign the treaty. Pokagon’s Band of Potawatomi later used this provision to stay in their southwestern Michigan homelands, where the Tribal Nation remains to this day. Secunda, “In the Shadow of the Eagle’s Wings,” 528. For the 1833 treaty, see Charles Kappler, ed. and comp., Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, 2nd ed., 7 Vols., (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1904), 2:413. For accounts of Pokagon Potawatomi survival, resistance, and persistence in the region see Low, John N., Imprints: The Pokagon Band of Potawatomi Indians and the City of Chicago (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2016)Google Scholar; Wetzel, Christopher, Gathering the Potawatomi Nation: Revitalization and Identity. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2015)Google Scholar. For a history of Northern Indian Removal beyond the Pokagon Potawatomi experience, see Bowes, Land Too Good for Indians.

16 “Triumph of Peace,” Chicago Daily Tribune, Oct. 10, 1893; Vigil, Kiara M., Indigenous Intellectuals: Sovereignty, Citizenship, and the American Imagination, 1880–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 27 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 Pokagon, Simon, The Red Man’s Rebuke (Hartford, MI: C. H. Engle, 1893)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pokagon, Simon, The Red Man’s Greeting (Hartford, MI: C. H. Engle, 1893)Google Scholar. There were several editions of Simon Pokagon’s The Red Man’s Rebuke and The Red Man’s Greeting published in 1893. As of the writing of this paper, we do not know in which order these texts were published, nor if they were published simultaneously. We are certain, however, that although the title of the text was framed as both a “Rebuke” and a “Greeting,” the content and tone of the pamphlets was nearly identical across texts. Aly W. Corey, interview with author, May 8, 2023. Kelly Wisecup finds there is disagreement among scholars as to whether the book was issued originally as The Red Man’s Rebuke and subsequently reissued as The Red Man’s Greeting for “diplomatic purposes.” Wisecup, Kelly, Assembled for Use: Indigenous Compilation and the Archives of Early Native American Literatures (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2021), 258 Google Scholar. For other discussions and interpretations, see Cenius H. Engle, “Publisher’s Notes” in Simon Pokagon, O-gî-mäw-kwê Mit-i-gwäkî (Queen of the Woods) (Hartford, MI: C.H. Engle,1899), 10; Berliner, Jonathan, “Written in the Birch Bark: The Linguistic-Material Worldmaking of Simon Pokagon,” PMLA 125 (Jan. 2010): 73 Google Scholar; Rosalyn LaPier, R. and David, R. M. Beck, City Indian: Native American Activism in Chicago, 1893–1934 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2015), 26 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. “Rebuke” will be used for the remainder of the study both in the interest of clarity and because I agree with LaPier and Beck that the text reads more like a “rebuke” than a “greeting.”

18 Pokagon, Red Man’s Rebuke, 1–2.

19 Low, Imprints, xi.

20 For “savages,” see Simon Pokagon quoted in Cornelia Steketee Hulst, Indian Sketches: Père Marquette and the Last of the Pottawatomie Chiefs (New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1912), 93. For Pokagon’s responses to, and valuations of, Native American representations at the fair, see Melisa Cushing-Davis, “A Fire That Could Not Be Extinguished: Sovereignty and Identity in the Pokagon Band of Potawatomi Indians, 1634–1994” (PhD diss., Loyola University Chicago, 2016), 207–10; Davis, Lisa Cushing, “Hegemony and Resistance at the World’s Columbian Exposition: Simon Pokagon and The Red Man’s Rebuke,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 108 (Spring 2015), 46–47Google Scholar.

21 Unfortunately, analyzing the significance of birch bark to this protest is beyond the scope of this article. For Simon Pokagon’s explanation as to why he used birch bark, see Pokagon, Simon, “By The Author,” The Red Man’s Rebuke (Hartford, MI: C. H. Engle, 1893)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For other discussions, see Oa Sjoblom, “Conservation and Study of Simon Pokagon’s Birch Bark Books” (presentation, Native American and Indigenous Studies Association Twelfth Annual Meeting, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, May 13, 2023); Low, Imprints, 38, 41–42, 46–49, 52–53, 57, 64, 166; Cushing-Davis, “A Fire That Could Not Be Extinguished,” 207; Wisecup, Assembled for Use, 195–7.

22 Pokagon, Red Man’s Rebuke, 2, 14–16.

23 Pokagon, Red Man’s Rebuke, 2. Simon Pokagon’s Rebuke and participation in the Fair remains one of the most cited texts and events in the Native American historiography of the turn of the twentieth century. Frederick Hoxie considers it an example of a Native person “talking back to civilization,” noting that Pokagon’s Rebuke was the “most widely disseminated statement of its kind delivered by a living tribal leader” prior to 1900. Frederick E. Hoxie, Talking Back to Civilization: Indian Voices from the Progressive Era (New York: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2001), 31. Kiara Vigil argues that Pokagon was the first in a cohort of “Indigenous intellectuals,” determined to define public perceptions of Indianness on their terms. Vigil, Indigenous Intellectuals, 1–33. Kelly Wisecup theorizes Pokagon’s Rebuke to be an “account book” or a record of debts settlers owe Indigenous peoples for colonizing their homelands. Wisecup, Assembled for Use, 21, 171–202. Other discussions of Simon Pokagon and his Rebuke are included in LaPier and Beck, City Indian, 26–7; Deloria, Philip J., Indians in Unexpected Places (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 104; Davis, “Hegemony and Resistance at the World’s Columbian Exposition,” 32–53; Peyer, Bernd C., “The Thinking Indian”: Native American Writers, 1850–1920s (New York: Peter Lang, 2007)Google Scholar. For additional sources, see Low, “Appendix 2: Selected Essays, Articles, and Monographs Regarding Simon Pokagon,” Imprints, 201–03.

24 “Books and Writers,” Brooklyn (New York) Daily Eagle, Sept. 7, 1895.

25 In fact, all 25 of the writings that historian John Low has found and attributed to Simon Pokagon were published during and after the year 1893, suggesting that Simon and his work would not have been as widely known or documented had it not been for his appearance at the Columbian Exposition of 1893. Low, Imprints, 205–06.

26 “All Records Eclipsed,” Republic (Columbus, Indiana), Oct. 10, 1893.

27 This collection is not exhaustive, but it is geographically representative of the distance this information traveled: “Chief Pokagon Dead,” Record-Union (Sacramento, California), Jan. 28, 1899; “Death of Simon Pokagon,” St. Joseph (Michigan) Saturday Herald, Feb. 4, 1899; “Chicago—Past and Present,” Springfield (Vermont) Reporter, Feb. 17, 1899; “Chief Simon Pokagon Is Laid to Rest,” Daily Iowa Capitol (Des Moines, Iowa), Jan. 30, 1899; “The effects of civilization among the Pottawattomie Indians appeared …,” Eutaw (Alabama) Whig and Observer, Aug. 24, 1899; “Chief of the Pottawatomies,” Fall River (Massachusetts) Daily Herald, Feb. 2, 1899.

28 “Chief Pokagon Dead,” Record-Union (Sacramento, California), Jan. 28, 1899.

29 Roland, Captain O. W., A History of Van Buren County Michigan: A Narrative Account of Its Historical Progress, Its People, and Its Principal Interests, vol. 1 (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1912), 11–12 Google Scholar.

30 In one of the novel’s introductory essays, “The Algonquin Language. By the Author.” Simon Pokagon explains that “the manuscript was first written in the Algonquin language, the only language spoken by me until fourteen years of age” until it was translated into English in preparation for publication. The English title, “Queen of the Woods,” will be used for the remainder of the paper. Pokagon, Simon, O-gî-mäw-kwê Mit-i-gwä-kî (Queen of the Woods), Also Brief Sketch of the Algaic Language (Hartford, MI: C. H. Engle, 1899), 35 Google Scholar.

31 For a brief explanation of how the northern Michigan Odawa avoided removal, see McDonnell, Michael, “Conclusion: Persistence in an Era of Removal,” Masters of Empire: Great Lakes Indians and the Making of America (New York: Hill and Wang, 2015)Google Scholar.

32 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 62, 64.

33 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 82.

34 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 205.

35 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 169.

36 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 170.

37 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 172.

38 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 175.

39 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 176.

40 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 179.

41 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 212.

42 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 189.

43 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 79–80.

44 Daniel McDonald, History of Marshall County (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Company, 1908), 5.

45 The name of the newspaper changed several times over its lifespan, including Plymouth Democrat and Plymouth Weekly Chronicle.

46 McDonald, History of Marshall County, 291–94.

47 McDonald, History of Marshall County, 228.

48 McDonald, History of Marshall County, 228.

49 Philip J. Deloria, Playing Indian (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999), 65. In addition to his involvement with the IORM, Daniel McDonald also called his summer cabin on Lake Maxinkuckee his “wigwam.” “Celebrate at Wigwam,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, July 15, 1909.

50 Deloria, Playing Indian, 65.

51 McDonald, Daniel, Removal of the Pottawattomie Indians from Northern Indiana: Embracing Also a Brief Statement of the Indian Policy of the Government, and Other Historical Matter Relating to the Indian Question (Plymouth, IN: D. McDonald & Co., Printers, 1899)Google Scholar; Daniel McDonald, “Address of Representative Daniel McDonald of Plymouth: Delivered in the House of Representatives, Indianapolis, Friday, February 3, 1905 on The Bill to Erect a Monument to the Pottawattomie [sic] Indians at Twin Lakes, Marshall County,” Indianapolis: [publisher not identified], 1905; McDonald, Daniel, History of Lake Maxinkuckee (United States: Maxinkuckee Lake Association, 1905)Google Scholar; McDonald, History of Marshall County.

52 Conn, Steven, History’s Shadow: Native Americans and Historical Consciousness in the Nineteenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53 Engle, C. H., Indian Drama … “Queen of the Woods,” Dramatized and published by Engle, C. H. (Hartford, MI: Day Spring Power Presses, 1904)Google Scholar.

54 “County History Is Staged,” Bremen (Indiana) Enquirer, Mar. 31, 1904; “Indian Love Story Has Been Dramatized,” Culver (Indiana) Citizen, Mar. 31, 1904.

55 Phillips, Katrina M., Staging Indigeneity: Salvage Tourism and the Performance of Native American History (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2021), 7–8 Google Scholar.

56 Phillips, Staging Indigeneity, 7.

57 Engle, Indian Drama, 2.

58 Engle, Indian Drama, 3.

59 Engle, Indian Drama, 12. This, of course, it not at all how Potawatomi (un)Removal happened. See Secunda, “In the Shadow of the Eagle’s Wings”; Bowes, Land Too Good for Indians, 177–181; Clifton, James A., The Pokagons, 1683–1983: Catholic Potawatomi Indians of the St. Joseph River Valley (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1984)Google Scholar; Edmunds, R. David, The Potawatomis: Keepers of the Fire (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1978)Google Scholar; Low, Imprints; Sleeper-Smith, Susan, Indian Women and French Men: Rethinking Cultural Encounter in the Western Great Lakes (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2001)Google Scholar.

60 Pokagon, Queen of the Woods, 80. For the treaty, see Kappler, Indian Affairs, 2:413.

61 Engle, Indian Drama, 54–55.

62 McDonald, “Address of Representative Daniel McDonald of Plymouth.”

63 Declaring local Indians to be the “rightful owners” of the land the settlers continued to occupy happened elsewhere in the United States, too. Jean O’Brien has also identified east coast examples in O’Brien, Firsting and Lasting, 161.

64 Kelli Jean Mosteller, “Place, Politics, and Property: Negotiating Allotment for the Citizen Potawatomi, 1861–1891” (PhD diss., University of Texas at Austin, 2013); McKee, Irving, “The Centennial of ‘The Trail of Death,’” Indiana Magazine of History 35 (Mar. 1939): 27–41 Google Scholar; Benjamin Marie Petit and Irving McKee, The Trail of Death: Letters of Benjamin Marie Petit (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society, 1941).

65 Daniel McDonald, “An Indian Wooing: Portrayal of Pottawattomie Character by Daniel McDonald,” Culver (Indiana) Citizen, Mar. 22, 1906.

66 “Beautiful Indian Romance: The Love Story of Po-ka-gon and Lonidaw,” Weekly Republican (Plymouth, Indiana), Feb. 28, 1907.

67 “Prepare for Dedication,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, July 29, 1909.

68 “September 4 Selected”; “Taft to Dedicate the Monument,” Grand Rapids (Michigan) Herald, July 30, 1909.

69 For a copy of the program, see: “Marshall County, Indiana,” www.potawatomi-tda.org/indiana/chiefms.htm. (accessed Aug. 10, 2023).

70 “Pokagon the Chief: Last Leader of the Maxinkuckee Pottawattomies and the Mouument [sic] Soon to be Unveiled,” Culver (Indiana) Citizen, June 17, 1909.

71 For discussions of Indigenous “authenticity” at this moment, see Paige Raibmon, Authentic Indians: Episodes of Encounter from the Late-Nineteenth-Century Northwest Coast (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006).

72 “Monument Work Begun,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, June 3, 1909; “Indian Maid Will Come,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Aug. 5, 1909; “Monument Unveiling,” Argos (Indiana) Reflector, Aug. 5, 1909.

73 “In Memory of Indians,” Fort Wayne (Indiana) Gazette, Aug. 31, 1909.

74 “Shaft Erected in Indians’ Honor,” North Adams (Massachusetts) Transcript, Sept. 4, 1909.

75 “Good Indians Held in Memory,” Daily Republican (Rushville, Indiana), Sept. 4, 1909.

76 “Indiana Honors Indians,” Philadelphia Inquirer, Sept. 4, 1909; “In Honor of Indians,” Portsmouth (New Hampshire) Herald, Sept. 4, 1909; “Good Indians Held in Memory.”

77 John Low’s 2016 analysis of this event continues this tradition, writing that “Julia Pokagon” and “Julia Quigno Pokagon,” the “daughter” of Simon Pokagon (rather than granddaughter), was the person who unveiled the monument and delivered an address. Low, Imprints, 171–75.

78 Roland, History of Van Buren County Michigan, 11. After the world’s fair, Simon Pokagon kept this structure outside his home in Hartford, Michigan. Low, John N., “The Architecture of Simon Pokagon—In Text and on Display,” in Pokagon, Simon et al., O-gî-mäw-kwê Mit-i-gwä-kî: Queen of the Woods: A Novel (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2011), 19 Google Scholar.

79 “Indian Maid Will Come,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Aug. 5, 1909, 1; “Monument Unveiling.”

80 “The Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909.

81 This practice continued in Indiana well into the twentieth century. In his study of Muncie, Indiana and the adoption of Cyrus Dallin’s Appeal to the Great Spirit monument as a local symbol in the 1960s–1970s, James Joseph Buss found that settlers incorporated certain elements of the monument and its history into their understandings of their city’s identity. Whereas Buss has found this process occurring during the second half of the century, my research suggests that this tradition began forming earlier in the twentieth century. See James Joseph Buss, “Appealing to the Great Spirit: Founding Fictions and Settler Histories in Middletown America,” Middle West Review 2 (Spring 2016), 144.

82 “The Indian Monument is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909. On the program it states that “Congressman Henry Barnhart” was scheduled to give an address, but according to local newspapers Indiana State Senator Harry Grube spoke in his place. For a copy of the program, see: “Marshall County, Indiana,” www.potawatomi-tda.org/indiana/chiefms.htm. (accessed Aug. 10, 2023).

83 “The Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909.

84 “The Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909.

85 “Indian Monument Dedicated Sept. 4,” Argos (Indiana) Reflector, Sept. 9, 1909; “The Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909.

86 “Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909.

87 “Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909.

88 “The Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909. When analyzing this event in her 1912 book, historian Cornelia Steketee Hulst claims that Julia Pokagon Quigno replied, “‘[The Chief Menominee Monument] will stand as a monument of humanity, teaching generations yet unborn that the white man and the red man are brothers and God is the father of all.” In his 2016 book, historian John Low briefly discusses this ceremony and cites Hulst’s quote as evidence that Julia Pokagon Quigno “read” this monument differently from her peers. However, there is no citation in Hulst’s history to confirm the validity of this quote, and this phrase bears a striking resemblance to the speeches Simon Pokagon delivered in the last several years of his life. Based on local newspapers that covered this event and included everything but Julia Pokagon Quigno’s words in incredible detail, it is unlikely that Hulst found a source that documented Julia’s words verbatim. Hulst, Indian Sketches, 74; Low, Imprints, 172.

89 In the program it is stated that “Michael Williams (Indian),” another member of the Pokagon Band of Potawatomi, was scheduled to give an address titled, “Civilization and the Indian Race.” Although it was widely reported in newspapers published outside of Plymouth, Indiana that Williams attended and spoke at the event, according to the Plymouth Weekly Chronicle, he never showed, his address was never delivered, and an explanation for his absence was never published. “The Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909. John Low claims that Michael Williams was present and gave a speech titled “Civilization and the Indian Race,” but the only evidence provided to support this assertion is the monument dedication ceremony program, which, as we know from comparing the precirculated program with post-ceremony newspaper reports, last-minute changes to the festivities were not reflected in the monument dedication ceremony program. Low, Imprints, 172, n. 28.

90 “Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909. C. H. Engle later reflected on the event, writing “I was present on that occasion [Chief Menominee monument dedication]. Her speech was wonderfully eloquent, insomuch the great crowd was moved to tears. That night I said to her ‘Julia, during your talk, I saw not a dry eye.’ She simply said ‘I wept too.’” Given his affinity for dramatizing Indigenous experiences, I cannot confirm if this exchange occurred. Two years after her appearance at the Chief Menominee monument and chapel dedication ceremony, Julia Pokagon Quigno was also invited to dedicate Chief Simon Pokagon’s wigwam when it was sold to the State Normal School of Michigan (now Eastern Michigan University) in 1911. There, she told a version of the Potawatomi Removal story that spoke of its incompleteness and accounted for the complexities of the Indian Removal experiences. Roland, History of Van Buren County Michigan, 8, 12–13.

91 “Indian Monument Is Dedicated,” Plymouth (Indiana) Weekly Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1909.

92 “Good Indians Held in Memory,” Daily Republican (Rushville, Indiana), Sept. 4, 1909.

93 “Indiana Pays Debt,” Herald-Press (St. Joseph, Michigan), Sept. 10, 1909.

94 “Indiana Pays Debt,” Herald-Press (St. Joseph, Michigan), Sept. 10, 1909.

95 “Indiana Honors Indians,” Morris County Advance (Council Grove, Kansas), Sept. 8, 1909.

96 Hulst, Indian Sketches, vi. Hulst was not the only historian to praise the efforts of Daniel McDonald. According to historian Jacob Piatt Dunn, Potawatomi history in the Midwest ended when Daniel McDonald secured payment for a monument in their honor: “the Indians are not forgotten. In 1905, Daniel McDonald, of Plymouth, who is thoroughly conversant with the story of their wrongs, and has called public attention to it, introduced in the Indiana Legislature a bill for an appropriation to erect a monument to the Pota-watomis at Menominee village, and rebuild the Indian chapel … in due time a fitting memorial will be made to these people, who, it must be confessed, suffered hard treatment at the hands of our forefathers.” Dunn, Jacob Piatt, True Indian Stories: With Glossary of Indiana Indian Names (Indianapolis: Sentinel Printing Company, 1909), 252 Google Scholar.