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Charitable Hospital Accountability: A Review and Analysis of Legal and Policy Initiatives

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2021

Extract

Hospitals long ago shed their role as alms houses for the poor. What vestiges remain of the early American hospital are the tax-exempt, nonprofit hospital form and a general perception that hospitals, as charitable institutions, owe a duty to their communities. The appropriateness of the nonprofit hospital tax exemption has long been debated, and many theories have been advanced to justify the tax exemption of nonprofit hospitals. In a growing number of jurisdictions, however, state and local authorities have gone beyond the theoretical debate and are challenging the tax exemption of their nonprofit hospitals. For various reasons, efforts are afoot to capture greater community benefit from nonprofit hospitals.

At the heart of such challenges is the debate over the nature and extent of the duty charitable institutions owe to their communities. A demand is growing for nonprofit hospitals to earn their tax exemptions by benefiting their communities in concrete ways. Some have been stripped of their tax-exempt status by local authorities or pressured to make payments in lieu of taxes. A number of states have recently implemented initiatives in an attempt to make hospitals more accountable for their community benefits. Many hospitals are responding to this heightened scrutiny in a proactive way, by voluntarily documenting community benefits. A number of nonprofit hospitals and hospital associations are cooperating with—or even sponsoring—state legislation in this area.

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Article
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Copyright © American Society of Law, Medicine and Ethics 1998

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References

The following provides examples of current theories justifying tax exemption. As the wide variety of arguments demonstrates, this is an area of much debate. One justification of tax exemption is the quid pro quo theory that exemption is an exchange for a relief of a government burden. The Supreme Court embraced this theory in Bob Jones v. United States, 461 U.S. 574, 591 (1983) (“Charitable exemptions are justified on the basis that the exempt entity confers a public benefit—a benefit that society or the community may not itself choose or be able to provide, or which supplements and advances the work of public institutions already supported by tax revenues.”). See also Utah County v. Intermountain Health Care, Inc., 709 P.2d 265, 267 (Utah 1985). The donative theory holds that tax exemption should be based on an institution's ability to attract voluntary private contributions. See Hall, M.A. Colombo, J.D., “The Charitable Status of Nonprofit Hospitals: Toward a Donative Theory of Tax-Exemption,” Washington Law Review, 66 (1991): At 390. The “virtues” nonprofits practice, such as diversity and pluralism, make nonprofits worth the price of their tax exemption. See Atkinson, R., “Altruism in Nonprofit Organizations,” Boston College Law Review, 31 (1990): At 605–06 n.266; and Falcone, D. Warren, D.G., “The Shadow Price of Pluralism: The Use of Tax Expenditures to Subsidize Hospital Care in the United States,” Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law, 13 (1988): At 735–36. Tax exemption exists to encourage the development of certain types of institutions. See, for example, Marmor, T.R., “A New Look at Nonprofits: Health Care Policy in a Competitive Age,” Yale Journal on Regulation, 3 (1986): At 323–24; Henry Hansmann's “capital subsidy” theory justifies tax exemption as a compensation for the nonprofit's inability to attract private investors due to their “non-distribution constraint.” See Hansmann, H., “The Rationale of Exempting Nonprofit Organizations from Corporate Income Tax,” Yale Law Journal, 91 (1981): at 59–61, 72–75; and Clark, R.C., “Does the Nonprofit Form Fit the Hospital Industry?,” Harvard Law Review, 93 (1980): at 1476 (suggesting repealing property tax exemption for hospitals).Google Scholar
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Medicare gross revenue;.Google Scholar
Medicaid gross revenue;.Google Scholar
other revenue from state programs;.Google Scholar
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charitable contributions;.Google Scholar
other third party payments;.Google Scholar
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gross outpatient revenue;.Google Scholar
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charity care provided;.Google Scholar
itemization of bad debt expense; and.Google Scholar
an estimation of the unreimbursed cost of subsidized health services.Google Scholar
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Id. § 127355.Google Scholar
See id. § 127345. This section also defines “community” as “the service areas or patient populations for which the hospital provides health care services.”Google Scholar
Those examples are community-oriented wellness and health promotion; prevention services; adult day care; child care; medical research; medical education; nursing and other professional training; meals to the housebound; food, clothing, and shelter for the homeless; and clinics in socioeconomically depressed areas.Google Scholar
See California Office of Statewide Health Planning and Development, Report to the Legislature, Not-for-Profit Hospital Community Benefit Legislation (Senate Bill 697) (Jan. 1998).Google Scholar
ACCESS is an acronym that stands for the various categories for reporting community benefits:Google Scholar
Access to financial assistance.Google Scholar
Community health status assessment.Google Scholar
Community health status improvement.Google Scholar
Educational support and quality improvement.Google Scholar
State and local economic benefits.Google Scholar
Social accountability and uncompensated care.Google Scholar
See Burda, , supra note 150.Google Scholar
Memorandum from Missouri Hospital Association to Members, The ACCESS Community Benefits Recognition Program: Background Information (undated) (on file with authors) (program description sent to Missouri Hospital Association members with ACCESS survey form).Google Scholar
See supra notes 109–11 and accompanying text.Google Scholar
Tex. Health & Safety Code Ann. § 311.403(b) (West 1997).Google Scholar
See id. § 311.044(a), (b).Google Scholar
Id. § 310.044(c).Google Scholar
See id. § 311.046, as amended by Tex. S. 788, 75th Leg. (1997).Google Scholar
Id. § 311.045(b)(1), as amended by Tex. S. 788. This amendment subsumes a former standard, requiring that 4 percent of net patient revenues be spent on charity care and government-sponsored indigent health care, into the 5 percent requirement, permitting 1 percent to be expended on other community benefits.Google Scholar
Id. § 311.042(9)(B)(12)(B).Google Scholar
See id. § 311.045(b)(1), as amended by Tex. S. 788.Google Scholar
See id. § 311.031(16).Google Scholar
Id. § 311.031(14) (unamended 1994).Google Scholar
A comparison may be difficult because the Medicare Cost Report worksheet has a separate due date from the April 30 filing date for community benefit reports.Google Scholar
See Tex. Health & Safety Code Ann. § 311.0455(D), as amended by Tex. S. 788.Google Scholar
Note that the income standards for eligibility for charity care vary from hospital to hospital and state to state. A nationally recommended standard would be helpful here.Google Scholar
In Community Benefit Inventory for Social Accountability, the Catholic Healthcare Association makes a distinction between what is expected of all health care organizations, regardless of ownership, and what is expected of voluntary, nonprofit health care organizations: “Voluntary, not-for-profit, tax-exempt health care organizations are held to a higher standard of community accountability.” Catholic Healthcare Association, “What Counts: Identifying True Community Benefits,” in Community Benefit Inventory for Social Accountability: A Comprehensive Guide to Reporting Community (Washington, D.C.: Catholic Healthcare Association, rev. 1985): At 3. The document goes on to define a “true” community benefit as one that meets at least one of the following:Google Scholar
financed through philanthropic contributions, volunteer efforts, or endowment.Google Scholar
respond[s] to a unique or particular health problem in the community.Google Scholar
generate[s] low or negative margin.Google Scholar
respond[s] to needs of special populations, such a minorities, frail elderly, poor persons with disabilities, the chronically mentally ill and persons with AIDS.Google Scholar
the service or program would likely be discontinued if the decision were made on a purely financial basis.Google Scholar
It further modifies what services should be quantified as those that “result in a financial loss to the organization, requiring subsidization of some sort”; are “best quantified in terms of dollars spent rather than hours spent or numbers of participants”; and “are not of a questionable nature that jeopardizes the credibility of the (benefit) inventory, [and] survives the laugh test.” Id. at 4. Another distinction they encourage is between services to the poor and services to the broader community, and it offers useful suggestions on how to determine which services are delivered to poor populations.Google Scholar
For instance, if the hospital subsidizes a rural physician's primary care practice, the “loss” should be offset by any gains the hospital realizes from patients referred by the practice to the hospital.Google Scholar
See Kane, Wubbenhorst, , supra note 2.Google Scholar
Individual states would have to decide whether to assign the unreimbursed cost of teaching and/or research under a priority status as a community benefit, based on health care manpower needs deemed important to the state, juxtaposed against the competitive value of being a teaching and referral hospital. It may also be worthwhile to examine the unreimbursed costs of research and to exclude, for instance, the unreimbursed costs associated with commercial efforts such a clinical trials of drugs.Google Scholar
Deposition of Larry Mathis, Chief Executive Officer of Methodist Hospital, Houston, Tex. (Nov. 23, 1992) (on file with authors). This hospital's admission policy denied services to uninsured Houstonians who could not afford to make large cash deposits to the hospital prior to receiving their care.Google Scholar