Hostname: page-component-7c8c6479df-995ml Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-03-29T06:43:41.348Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Impact of Growth on Government: The Example of Spain

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 February 2011

Hermann Kellenbenz
Affiliation:
University of Cologne

Extract

This article deals with the interrelations between the economyand the government of the expanding Spanish empire in the era of overseas expansion during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Specifically, it attempts to show how the government reacted to the phenomenon of the growing empire. In a full treatment it would be necessary to show how the various Spanish territories of the Peninsula were unified by the process of the “reconquista” and by the marriage policy of the Catholic Icings; how during the sixteenth century Navarre and Portugal were joined; how the overseas expansion of Spanish power, beginning in the late Middle Ages, continued during the sixteenth century; and how Spain, as a consequence of Hapsburg marriage policy, built an important bridge of possessions from the Netherlands to Italy. Obviously, these questions cannot be dealt with in detail in one article, but they form the background for the following discussion.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Economic History Association 1967

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Larraz, Jose, La Spoca del mercantilismo in Castillo, 1500–1700 (Madrid: Aguilar, 1943), p. 17.Google Scholar

2 Vives, Jaime Vicens, Manual de Historia económica de España (Barcelona: Editorial Teide, 1959), p. 283.Google Scholar

4 Carlé, Maria del Carmen, Mercaderes en Castillo, 1252-1512 (Buenos Aires, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, 1954), pp. 298 and 303Google Scholar; Vives, Vicens, Manual de Historia económica, p. 283Google Scholar.

5 Vicens Vives, pp. 221, 263.

6 , Carle, Mercaderes en Castillo, p. 310.Google Scholar

7 Ibid., p. 303.

8 Ibid., p. 305.

9 Ibid., p. 308.

10 Ibid., p. 310.

11 Ibid., p. 315.

12 Ibid., p. 317.

13 Vicens Vives, p. 265.

14 Hamilton, Earl J., “Spanish Mercantilism before 1700,” in Facts and Factors in Economic History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1932), pp. 214–39.Google Scholar

15 Vicens Vives, p. 282.

16 Kellenbenz, H., “Die wirtschaftliche Bedeutung und soziale Stellung der sephardischen Juden im spätmittelalterlichen Spanien,” in Miscellanea Mediaevalia, Veröffentlichungen des Thomas-Instituts an der Universitat Koln (Berlin: 1966), IV, 99127.Google Scholar

17 Vicens Vives, p. 276.

18 Klein, Julius, The Mesta: A Study in Spanish Economic History, 1273-1536 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1920) pp. 37 ff. and 316 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vicens Vives, p. 276.

19 Vicens Vives, p. 272.

20 Konetzke, Richard, “Das spanische Weltreich,” in Historia Mundi (Bern: Franke Verlag, 1959), VIII, 319 ff.Google Scholar; idem., Entdecker und, Eroberer Amerikas, von Christoph Kolumbus bis Hernan Cortes, Frankfurt/M-Hamburg, Fischer-Bücherei, 535, 1963.

21 Vicens Vives, p. 288.

22 Ibid., p. 297; Schäfer, Ernst, El Consejo Real y Supremo de las Indias (Seville: Imp. M. Carmona, 1935), I, 9Google Scholar.

23 Pidal, Ramón Menendez, La idea imperial de Carlos V (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1955).Google Scholar

24 Bauer, Clemens, “Die wirtschaftlichen Machtgrundlagen Karls V” in Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft, Erste Reihe, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kultur-geschichte Spaniens XV, Münster/Westf., 1960, p. 223Google Scholar; Vicens Vives, p. 348.

25 Originally the Crown received 50,000 scudi, a sum which was increased by extraordinary donatives;Koenigsberger, Helmut, The Government of Sicily under Philip II of Spain: A Study in the Practice of Empire (London, New York: Staples Press, 1951), p. 124Google Scholar.

26 Coniglo, Giuseppe, “La politica financiera española en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI,” in Moneda y Crdito, LVI (1956), pp. 3740Google Scholar; Storia di Milano (Milan: Fondazione Treccan i degli Alfieri, 1961), X, 281Google Scholar.

27 Cf. Fernand Braudel, La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen & I'époque de Philippe II; idem., “Les Emprunts de Charles-Quint sur la place d'Anvers,” in Charles-Quint et son temps, Paris, 30 Septembre-3 Octobre, 1958 (Paris: Edition s du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1959), pp. 191 ff. However, it must not be overlooked that the Netherlands which Charles V left to his son had achieved a certain degree of consolidation and centralization; cf.Craeybeckx, J., “Maria van Hqngarije landvoogdes, De oorloges tegen Frankrijk, 1531-1555,” in Algemeene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden (Utrecht: Nijhoff, 1952), IV, 195Google Scholar. Cf., also, J. A. van Houtte, “Handel en Verkeer,” Ibid., p. 195. For Burgundy Lucien Febvre, unfortunately, does not give exact figures; cf. Philippe II et la Franche-Comté, la crise de 1567, ses origines et ses consequences (Paris: 1911), pp. 101 ff., 144 ffGoogle Scholar.

28 Mayer, Theodor, “Geschicht e der Finanzwissenschaft vom Mittelalter bis zum spaten Ende des 1 Jahrhunderts,” in Handbuch der Finanzwissenschaft, II, 2d ed., Gerloff, W. and Neumark, F., eds. (Tübingen: Mohr, 1956) p. 243.Google Scholar

29 Cf. Redlich, Fritz, The German Military Enterpriser and His Work Force (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1964), I, 115.Google Scholar

30 Kellenbenz, H., Die Fugeersche Maestrazgopacht (Tübingen: Mohr, 1967) pp. 17 ff.Google Scholar

31 Konetzke, Richard, “La Iegislación sobre inmigración de extranjeros en América durante el reinado de Carlos V,” in Charles-Quint et son temps (Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1959), p. 93.Google Scholar

32 Vicens Vives, p. 299. The ports were La Coruña, Bayona, Avilés, Laredo, Bilbao, San Sebastián, Cartagena, Málaga, Cádiz.

33 Otte, Enrique, “Carlos V y sus vasallos patrimoniales de América,” in Clio, Ciudad Trujillo, XXVIII, No. 116 (1960), 127.Google Scholar

34 Haring, C. H., “American Gold and Silver Production in the First Half of the Sixteenth Century,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, XXIX (1914-1915), 470.Google Scholar

35 Strieder, J., Aus Antwerpener Notariatsarchiven (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlag Anstalt, 1930) p. 421.Google Scholar

36 Laiglesia, Francisco de, Estudios historicos, 1515-1555 (Madrid: Clásica Española, Imp. del Asilo de Huérfanos del S.C. de Jesus, 1918-1919), II, 677.Google Scholar

37 Carande, Ramón, El crédito de Castilla en el predo de la politico imperial (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1949), pp. 40, 43.Google Scholar

88 Ibid., p. 44.

39 Hamilton, Earl J., American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501-1650 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1934), p. 11.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

40 , Carande, El credito de Castilla, p. 58.Google Scholar

41 Vicens Vives, pp. 308, 319.

42 Ibid., p. 313.

43 Carande, Ramón, “Der Wanderhirt und die überseeische Ausbreitung Spaniens,” in Saeculum, III (1952) 373–87.Google Scholar

44 Vicens Vives, p. 317.

45 Ibid., p. 338; on this problem cf. Hamilton, Earl J., ”The History of Prices before 1750,” in Reports to the Eleventh International Congress of Historical Sciences, Stockholm, 1960 (Gothenburg: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1960), p. 155Google Scholar; Haveren, Jakob van, Europäische Wirtscnaftsgeschichte Spaniens (Stuttgart: Gustav Fischer Verlag, 1960), pp. 190 ffGoogle Scholar.

46 Vives, Vicens, “Estructura administrativa estata l en los siglos XVI y XVII,” in Reports (see note 45), p. 7Google Scholar; Kellenbenz, H., “Les Foires de Lyo n dans la politique de Charles Quint,” in Cahiers d'Histoire (Universités de Clermont-Lyon-Grenobles, V. Lyons, 1960, pp. 1732Google Scholar; Gioffrè, Domenico, Gênes et les foires de changes de Lyon à Besançon (Paris, S.E.V.P.E.N., 1960)Google Scholar.

47 Kellenbenz, H., “Alberto Cuon, auf den Spuren, eines Nürnberger Kaufmanns in Valladolid,” in Festschrift Friedrich Bock (Nuremberg: Veröffentlichungen der Stadt-bibliothek Nürnberg, 4, 1961) pp. 2127.Google Scholar

48 Vives, Vicens, “Estructura administrativa,” p. 7.Google Scholar

49 Montes, J. Sánches, “Sobre las Cortes de Toledo de 1538-1539,” in Carlos V: Homenaje de la Universidad de Granada (Granada: Imprenta URANIA, 1958) pp. 595641.Google Scholar

50 Vives, Vicens, Historia económica, p. 349Google Scholar. Cf. also FMartín, . Ruiz, “Un ex-pediente financiero entre 1560 y 1575: La Hacienda de Felipe II y la Casa de la Contratación de Sevilla,” in Moneda y Crédito, LXV (1965) 558Google Scholar.

51 Cf.Ulloa, Modesto, La hacienda real de Castilla en el reinado de Felipe II (Rome: Libreria Sforsini, Centro del Libro español, 1963) pp. 66-67, 75 ff., 501 ffGoogle Scholar.

52 Ulloa (v.s.) does not mention these sources of income; compare, however, , Koenigsberger, Government of Sicily, p. 125Google Scholar.

53 Lonchay, H., “Etude sur les emprunts des souverains beiges aux xvie et xviie siècles,” in Bulletin de I'Academie Royale de Belgique, Classe de Lettres (1907), pp. 9231013Google Scholar; on money going to the Netherlands, cf. Lapeyre, Henri, Simon Ruiz et les asientos de Philippe II (Paris: Librarie Armand Colin, 1953) pp. 21, 45, 59, and 87Google Scholar; Prada, Vazquez de, Lettres marchandes d'Anvers, I (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., s.a.), p. 111Google Scholar.

54 , Koenigsberger, Government of Sicily, p. 125.Google Scholar

55 Unfortunately, the articles “Fazenda pública” and “Finances publicas e estru-turas do Estado” in the Viciondrio de Histdria de Portugal (Lisbon: Iniciativas Editorials), II, 189-91 and 244Google Scholar, give nothing on the impact of the Spanish government on Portuguese finances; in any case V.M.G. [V. Magalhaes Godinho] in his article “Financas publicas…” stresses the growth of revenues from the Portuguese overseas empire throughout the sixteenth century.

56 Ulloa, p. 534; P. Luis Fernandez y Fernández de Retana, España en tiempo de Felipe II (1556-1598), Vol. II in Historia de España, dir. Pidal, por Ramón Menendez, Tomo XIX (Madrid: 1958) p. 731 ffGoogle Scholar. gives some figures taken from Walsh.

57 Vicens Vives. p. 304, gives 400,000; but cf.Lapeyre, Henry, Géographie de I'Espagne morisque (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1959), pp. 13, 205Google Scholar, and also Chaunu, Pierre, “Minorites et conjoncture: L'expulsion des Morisques en 1609,” Revue Historique, CCXXV (1961), 8198Google Scholar.

58 Ortiz, Antonio Dominguez, La sociedad española en el sigh xviii (Madrid: Instituto Balmes de Sociologia, 1955), p. 90Google Scholar; Kellenbenz, Hermann, Der Merkantilismus und die soziale Mobilität in Europa (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1965), p. 13Google Scholar; Konetzke, Richard, “Forschungsprobleme zur Geschichte der wirtschaftlichen Betätigungen des Adels,” Homenaje a Don Ramón Carande (Madrid: Socieda d de Estudios y Publicaciones, 1963), pp. 135–51Google Scholar.

59 , Lapeyre, Simon Ruiz, p. 21Google Scholar; Martin, Ruiz, Lettres marchandes échangées entre Florence et Medina del Campo (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1965), p. xviiiGoogle Scholar ; as Vendramin calculated in 1595, they cashed 24 million of the 80 million ducats of gold and silver which came from America after 1530 (Vicens Vives, p. 305).

60 Vicens Vives, p. 301.

61 Concerning the discussion of the “decadence of Spain,” see especially Hamilton, Earl J., “The Decline of Spain,” Economic History Review, VIII (1938), pp. 168–79Google Scholar; Schwarzmann, Maurice, “Background Factor s in Spanish Economic Decline,” Explorations in Entrepreneurial History, III (1951), 221Google Scholar ; Castro, Americo, España en su historia: Cristianos, moros y judios (Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada, 1948)Google Scholar and Ibid., 2d edition under title of La realidad historica de España (Mexico, D.F.: Editorial Porrua, 1954); Sanchez-Albornoz, Claudio, España: Un enigma histdrico (2d. edition; Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 1962)Google Scholar; Elliott, J. H., Imperial Spain, 1469-1716 (London: Arnold, 1963), esp. p. 279Google Scholar.

62 Lapeyre, Henri, Géographie, p. 29Google Scholar; Nadal, T. et Giralt, E., La population catalane de 1553 a 1717: I'immigration française et les autres facteurs de son développement (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1960)Google Scholar; , Ulloa, La hacienda real de Castilla, pp. 9 ffGoogle Scholar.

63 Chaunu, Pierre, L'Amérique et les Ameriques (Paris: A. Colin, 1964), p. 67.Google Scholar

64 Vicens Vives, p. 309.

65 Kellenbenz, Hermann, Sephardim an der unteren Elbe: Ihre wirtschaftliche und politische Bedeutung vom Ende des 16. bis zum Beginn des 18. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1958), p. 17Google Scholar; Ortiz, Antonio Dominguez, “La clase social de los conversos en Castilla en la eda d moderna,” in Estudios de historia social de España, III (1955) p. 82Google Scholar; Otte, Enrique and Ruiz-Burruecos, Conchita, “Los portu-gueses en la trata de esclayos negros de las postrimerias del siglo xvi,” in Moneda y Cridito, LXXXV (1963), pp. 340Google Scholar.

66 Vicens Vives, p. 306.

67 Pelayo, M. Garcia, “El estamento de la nobleza en el despotismo ilustrado español,” in Moneda y Crédito, 16-19 (1946), p. 37Google Scholar; Saltillo, Marques de, Historia Nobiliaria EspañOla, I (Madrid: Imprenta y Editorial Maestrem 1951), pp. 277–81Google Scholar.

68 Vicens Vives, p. 309.

69 Ibid., p. 314.

70 Silva, J. Gentil da, En Espagne, développement économique, subsistance, déclin (Paris-La Haye: Mouton, 1965), pp. 20 and 109Google Scholar; idem, “Villages castillans et types de production au xvie siècle,” Annales: Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations (Paris, 1963), pp. 729–44; Salomon, Noël, La Campagne de Nouvelle Castille a la fin du xvia siècle d'après les Relaciones topográficas (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1964)Google Scholar. Compare too the collection of material given by Cabrillana, Nicolas, “Villages désertés en Espagne,” in Villages désertés et histoire économique (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1965), p. 461Google Scholar.

71 , Huguette and Chaunu, Pierre, Seville et l'Atlantique, 1504-1650 (8 vols., Paris: Armand Colin, 1956-1959), VIII, Part II, p. 357.Google Scholar

72 Ibid., p. 849.

73 He speaks only of the export of grain from the Canary Islands; cf. Ibid., Vol. VIII, Part I, p. 370. He mentions “blé” in his new book, L'Amérique et les Amériques (Paris: Armand Colin, 1964), p. 92Google Scholar.

74 Chevalier, François, “La formation des grandes domaines au Mexique du xvie au debut du xixe siècle,” in Reports, First International Conference on Economic History, Stockholm, 1960 (Paris and The Hague: Mouton, 1960), p. 63.Google Scholar

75 Farias, Eduardo Arcila, La economia colonial de Venezuela (Mexico, D.F.: Fondo de Culture Economica, 1946), p. 63.Google Scholar

76 Vicens Vives, p. 318; , Klein, The Mesta, pp. 45 and 331Google Scholar.

77 Martin, Felipe Ruiz, Lettres marchandes, p. xxxviiiGoogle Scholar; idem, “Rasgos estructurales de Castilla en tiempos de Carlos V,” Moneda y Crédito, 96 (Madrid, 1966) pp. 91 ff.; idem, La empresa capitalista y la industria textil castellana durante los siglos xvi y xvii (paper presented at the Third International Conference of Economic History at Munich, 1965); Carande, Ramón, Carlos V y sus banqueros: La vida economica en Castilla, 1516-1556 (Madrid: Soc. de Estudios y Publ., 1963)Google Scholar.

78 The picture given by Vicens Vives, pp. 319 and 322, is therefore to be corrected; on p. 322 he himself speaks of a period of growth for the Castilian cloth industry from 1540 to 1590, including exports to America, Portugal, and Italy.

79 Usher, Abbott Payson, “Spanish Ships and Shipping in the 16th and 17th Centuries,” in Facts and Factors in Economic History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1932), pp. 189213.Google Scholar

80 Vicens Vives, p. 323; Klaveren, J. van, Europaische Wirtschaftsgeschichte Spaniens im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: Gustav Fischer Verlag, 1960) pp. 221 ffGoogle Scholar.

81 Silva, Da, En Espagne, développement, p. 67.Google Scholar

82 Tascón, A. Matilla, Historia de las Minos de Almadén (Madrid: Graficas Osca S.A., 1958) I, 69 ff, 87 ff.Google Scholar

83 , Ulloa, La hacienda real de Castilla, pp. 19 ff.Google Scholar

84 Larrauri, Teofilo Guiard y, Historia del Consulado y Casa de la Contratacidn de Bilbao y del comercio de la villa I (1511-1699) (Bilbao: Jose de Astuy, 1913), p. 202Google Scholar; Klaveren, van, Europdische Wirtschaftsgeschichte Spaniens, pp. 227 ff.Google Scholar; Lynch, John, Spain under the Habsburgs, Vol. I., Empire and Absolutism, 1516-1598 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1965)Google Scholar mentions only the iro n industry of the first half of the sixteenth century.

85 Niubé, F. Torrella, Los antiguos gremios y la actual industria de la Cataluna textil (Publicaciones de la Camara Oficial de Comercio e Industria, Tarrasa, 1955)Google Scholar; Da Silva, p. 1250.

86 , Braudel, La mediterranie, p. 41Google Scholar; Prada, Valentin Vasquez de, “La actividad ec6nomica del Levant e español en relación con Italia a finales del siglo xvi,” in Reports, Sixth Congress of the History of the Crown of Aragán (Madrid: Artes Graficas, 1959), pp. 901–15Google Scholar.

87 As attested by the formation of a Catalan colon y in Cadiz. True, the Catalans did not attain a consulate at Seville; however, the tendenc y is verified by the considerable growth of the Catalan merchants at Cadiz; Kellenbenz, Hermann, “Die Ein-wohnerschaft der Stadt Cadiz und ihre Fremdenkolonie,” in Spanische Forschungen der Gorresgesselschaft (Spanische Forschungen der Gorresgeseschaft, Erste Reihe, Gesammelte Aufsatz e zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens, Vol. XVII (1962) pp. 79102Google Scholar.

88 Vicens Vives, pp. 329, 330.

89 Kirchner, Walther, Alba (Göttingen: Musterschmidt Verlag, 1963), p. 58.Google Scholar

90 Houtte, J. A. van, “Het economisch verval van het Zuiden,” in Algemene Ges-chiedenis der Nederlanden, V (Utrecht: Nijhoff, 1952), p. 203.Google Scholar

91 Idem, “Declin et survivance d'Anvers, 1550-1700,” in Studi in onore di Amintore Fanfani, Gino Barbieri, ed., (Milan: Dott. A. Giuffre, 1962), pp. 705-26; idem, “Anvers,” in Città Mercanti dottrine nell' economia ewopea dal to al xviii secolo, ed. A. Fanfani (Milan: Dott. A. Giuffre), p. 318; Verlinden, Charles, “Hoe lang duurde de economische crisis in Vlaanderen onder Philipe II,” in Bijdragen voor Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, IV (1949), pp. 1626Google Scholar; idem, En Flandres sous Philippe II: Durée de la crise économique,” in Annales: Economies, Socie'te's, Civilisations, VII (1952), pp. 21–30.

92 Thimme, H., “Der Handel Kölns am Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts und die Inter-nationale Zusammensetzung der Kölner Kaufmannschaft,” in Westdeutsche Zeitschrift, XXXI (1912), pp. 391–96Google Scholar; , Kellenbenz, “Die Juden in der Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Rheinlandes,” in Monumenta Judaica: 2,000 Jahre Geschichte und Kultur der Juden am Bhein (Cologne: Stadt Köln, 1963), p. 230Google Scholar.

93 Wee, Hermann van der, The Growth of the Antwerp Market and the European Economy (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1963), II, 241.Google Scholar

94 Kellenbenz, Hermann, “Spanien, die nordlichen Niederlande und der skandi-navisch-baltische Raum in der Weltwirtschaft und Politik um 1600,” in Vierteljahr-schrift fur Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, XLIV (1954), pp. 289332Google Scholar; idem, Unter-nehmerkrafte im Hamburger, Portugal- und Spanienhandel, 1598-1625 (Hamburg: Wirtschaftsgeschichtliche Forschungsstelle, 1954), p. 241; idem, Sephardim, p. 21.

95 Vicens Vives, p. 322.

96 , Otte and , Ruiz-Burruecos, in Moneda y Cridito, LXXXV (1963).Google Scholar

97 Hamilton, Earl J., “The Role of Monopoly in the Overseas Expansion and Colonial Trade of Europe before 1800,” American Economic Review, XXXVIII, (05 1948), 41Google Scholar; Parry, J. H., The Spanish Seaborne Empire (London: Hutchinson, 1966), p. 233Google Scholar; cf. Santisteban, Fernando Silva, Los obrajes en el Virreinato del Peru (Lima: Publicaciones del Unsev Nacional de Historie, 1964)Google Scholar.

98 Vives, Vicens, “Estructura administrativa estatal,” pp. 12 and 19. Cf.Google ScholarKlaveren, Jacob van, “Die historische Erscheinung der Korruption in ihrem Zusammenhang mit der Staats- und Gesellschaftsstruktur betrachtet,” in Vierteljahrschrift fur Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Vol. 44, 1957, pp. 289 ff.Google Scholar; idem, Europaische Wirtschafts-geschichte Spaniens, pp. 97 ff.; idem, “Die internationalen Aspekte der Korruption,” in Vierteljahrschrift fur Social- und Wirtschaft geschichte, Vol. 45, 1958, pp. 489 ff.

99 We agree here with , Hamilton, History of Prices, p. 161Google Scholar; compare also , Vilar, La Catalogue dans I'Espagne moderne (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1962), I, 588Google Scholar.

100 As a supplement to Vives', Vicens “Estructura administrativa,” p. 12Google Scholar, see Lapeyre, Henri, “Deux interprétations de l'histoire d'Espagne: Américo Castro et Claudio Sànchez Albornoz,” Annales: Economies, Sociétés Civilisations, XX (1965), p. 1034Google Scholar.