¹ The best overview of early medieval simony remains Meier-Welcker, Hans, ‘Die Simonie im Frühmittelalter: Begriff und Erscheinung in ihrer Entwicklung von der Spätantike bis zum Investiturstreit’, ZfK lxiv (1952/53), 61–93Google Scholar, an abbreviated version of ‘Die Simonie im frühen Mittelalter’, unpubl. PhD diss. Tübingen 1952. The dissertation has recently been made available online by the MGH. For the eleventh century in particular see Carl Mirbt, Die Publizistik im Zeitalter Gregors VII, Leipzig 1965, esp. pp. 343–70, and Rudolf Schieffer, ‘Spirituales latrones: zu den Hintergründen der Simonieprozesse in Deutschland zwischen 1069 und 1075’, Historisches Jahrbuch xcii (1972), 19–60, and ‘Geistliches Amt und schnöder Mammon: zur Bewertung der Simonie im hohen Mittelalter’, in Jürgen Petersohn (ed.), Mediaevalia Augiensia: Forschungen zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, Stuttgart 2001, 359–74. In English see Timothy Reuter, ‘Gifts and simony’, in Esther Cohen and Mayke de Jong (eds), Medieval transformations: texts, power and gifts in context, Leiden 2001, 157–68; R. I. Moore, The war on heresy: faith and power in medieval Europe, London 2012, 71–86; and Steven Schoenig sj, Bonds of wool: the pallium and papal power in the Middle Ages, Baltimore, Md 2016, 285–93. For the application of digital techniques to the debate see Ariane Lorke, Kommunikation über Kirchenreform im 11. Jahrhundert: Themen, Personen, Strukturen, Ostfildern 2016.

² For Henry iii’s speech see Raoul Glaber, Historiarum libri quinque, ed. John France, Oxford 1989, 250–2. For an overview of the key sources (not including Glaber) see MGH, Concilia VIII: die Konzilien Deutschlands und Reichsitaliens, 1023–1059, ed. Detlev Jasper, Hanover 2010, 184–96. On the ambiguities of Sutri and the fate of Pope Gregory vi see Wijnendaele, Jacques van, ‘Silences et mensonges autour d'un concile: le Concile de Sutri (1046) en son temps’, Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire lxxxiii (2005), 315–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the council's broader context see Gerd Tellenbach, Church, state and society at the time of the Investiture Contest, Oxford 1940, 173–7, and The Church in western Europe from the tenth to the early twelfth century, Cambridge 1993, 141–2.

³ ‘moral panic’: Reuter, ‘Gifts and simony’, 160; ‘das wichtigste Anliegen der kirchlichen Reformbewegung’: Münsch, Oliver, ‘Ein Streitschriftenfragment zur Simonie’, Deutsches Archiv lxii (2006), 619–30Google Scholar at p. 619; ‘wesentlische Triebfeder’: Schieffer, ‘Geistliches Amt’, 359.

⁴ See, for instance, Knights, Mark, ‘Explaining away corruption in pre–modern Britain’, Social Philosophy and Policy xxxv (2018), 94–117CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I am preparing a wider study of medieval corruption.

⁵ ‘Quia aliud est munus ab obsequio, aliud munus a manu, aliud munus a lingua’: Gregory the Great, Homiliae in evangelia, ed. Raymond Etaix, Turnhout 1999, 31. The literature on Gregory's understanding of simony is extensive. See, most recently, Isabelle Rosé, ‘Simon le Magicien hérésiarque? L'invention de la simoniaca heresis par Grégoire le Grand’, in Franck Mercier and Isabelle Rosé (eds), Aux Marges de l'hérésie: inventions, formes et usages polémiques de l'accusation d'hérésie au moyen âge, Rennes 2017, 201–38.

⁶ For the basic continuity in the idea of simony since Pope Gregory i see Meier-Welcker, ‘Simonie’.

⁷ Rudolf Schieffer, ‘Zum Umgang der Karolingerzeit mit Simonie’, in Oliver Münsch (ed.), Scientia veritatis: Festschrift für Hubert Mordek zum 65. Geburtstag, Ostfildern 2004, 117–26; cf. Lioba Geis, ‘Kirchenrechtliche Norm und diözesane Praxis: Strategien des Umgangs mit Simonie im frühen 11. Jahrhundert’, in Andreas Bihrer and Stephan Bruhn (eds), Jenseits des Königshofs: Bischöfe und ihre Diözesen im nachkarolingischen ostfränkisch-deutschen Reich (850–1100), Berlin 2019, 177–208.

⁸ Megan McLaughlin, Sex, gender and episcopal authority in an age of reform, 1000–1122, Cambridge 2010, 69–70. McLaughlin draws on the work of Lester Little and Alexander Murray; cf. Schieffer, ‘Geistliches Amt’, and Rory Naismith, ‘Turpe lucrum? Wealth, money and coinage in the millennial Church’, in Giles Gasper and Svein Gullbekk (eds), Money and the Church in medieval Europe, 1000–1200: practice, morality and thought, Farnham 2015, 17–37.

⁹ Thus Meier-Welcker, who saw simony as a legal problem linked to the Germanic Eigenkirchentum: ‘Simonie’. On problems with the notion of the ‘proprietary Church’ (Eigenkirche) see now Steffen Patzold, Presbyter: Moral, Mobilität und die Kirchenorganisation im Karolingerreich, Stuttgart 2020.

¹⁰ Reuter, ‘Gifts and simony’, 164.

¹¹ R. I. Moore, ‘Family, community and cult on the eve of the Gregorian reform’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5th ser. xxx (1980), 49–69, esp. pp. 65–9; for a further elaboration of the connection between reform and commercialisation see Leyser, Conrad, ‘Cities of the plain: the rhetoric of sodomy in Peter Damian's “Book of Gomorrah”’, Romanic Review lxxxvi (1995), 191–212Google Scholar.

¹² The essential studies of debates over the validity of ordinations are Louis Saltet, Les Réordinations: étude sur le sacrement de l'ordre, Paris 1907, and Alois Schebler, Die Reordinationen in der ‘altkatholischen’ Kirche unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Anschauungen Rudolph Sohms, Bonn 1936, esp. pp. 215–98 for simoniacal ordinations. A useful overview is provided in Margot Dischner, Humbert von Silva Candida: Werk und Wirkung des lothringischen Reformmönches, Neuried 1996, 94–108.

¹³ On Humbert the key readings are Dischner, Humbert, and Elaine Robison, ‘Humberti Cardinalis libri tres adversus simoniacos: a critical edition with an introductory essay and notes’, unpubl. PhD diss. Princeton 1972. For two specific studies see Charles West, ‘Competing for the holy spirit: Humbert of Moyenmoutier and the question of simony’, in Philippe Depreux, Francois Bougard and Régine le Jan (eds), Compétition et sacré au haut moyen âge: entre médiation et exclusion, Turnhout 2015, 347–60, and ‘The “schism of 1054” and the politics of church reform in Lotharingia, c. 1100’, in Thomas Kohl (ed.), Konflikt und Wandel um 1100: Europa im Zeitalter von Feudalgesellschaft und Investiturstreit, Berlin 2020, 195–215.

¹⁴ ‘ad eversionem christianae religionis et desperationem omnium circumquaque fidelium’: Peter Damian, Liber Gratissimus, ed. Kurt Reindel, in Die Briefe des Petrus Damiani, Munich 1983–99, no. 40, p. 499. On Damian and simony see William D. McCready, Odiosa sanctitas: St Peter Damian, simony, and reform, Toronto 2011, esp. pp. 66–111. For the debate between Humbert and Peter see Alessandro Recchia, ‘La riforma gregoriana e il problema della simonia come eresia: Pier Damiani e Umberto di Silvacandida a confronto’, in Francesco Cipollini (ed.), Pier Damiani: figura, aspetti dottrinali, Isernia 2003, 37–74.

¹⁵ For instance, John Gilchrist, ‘Simoniaca Haeresis and the problem of orders from Leo ix to Gratian’, Proceedings of the 2nd International Congress of medieval canon law, Vatican City 1965, 209–35, esp. p. 218. Gilchrist argued that in eleventh-century texts, irritus consistently means unlawful, not invalid, but this may be making its meaning more systematic than the texts can bear: Dischner, Humbert, 98–104; cf. Schebler, Reordinationen, 218. Schebler blames the Epistola Widonis for introducing Verwirrung into the situation (though he is clear that the issue was genuinely contested).

¹⁶ Thus Mirbt, Publizistik, 372–402; Saltet, Reordinations, 179; Schebler, Reordinationen, 218; Leidulf Melve, Inventing the public sphere: the public debate during the Investiture Contest (c. 1030–1122), Leiden 2007, 61 (describing it as ‘the earliest extant polemical attack on simony’).

¹⁷ Edition: Widonis monachi epistola ad Heribertum Archiepiscopum, ed. Friedrich Thaner, MGH, Libelli de Lite, Hannover 1889–1897, i. 5–7. For the short version of the text, Thaner's MGH edition is to be preferred to John Gilchrist, ‘Die Epistola Widonis oder Pseudo-Paschalis: der erweiterte Text’, Deutsches Archiv xxxvii (1981), 576–604, but Thaner's reconstruction of the longer version in the notes has been superseded by Gilchrist's study. For an edition, Italian translation and commentary see Guido, Le opere: Micrologus, Regulae rhythmicae, Prologus in Antiphonarium, Epistola, ed. Angelo Rusconi, Tavarnuzze 2005, 162–7.

¹⁸ ‘Die Epistola Widonis’ (Gilchrist edn). Note that Gilchrist changed his mind, having previously argued that the long version was the original form, which had then been abbreviated: ‘The Epistola Widonis, ecclesiastical reform and canonistic enterprise, 1049–1141’, in Brian Tierney and Peter Linehan (eds), Authority and power: studies on medieval law and government presented to Walter Ullman on his seventieth birthday, Cambridge 1980, 49–58. Gilchrist had planned further work on the text before his tragic premature death.

¹⁹ ‘Die Epistola Widonis’ (Gilchrist edn), 576–7. The influence of the text can be traced through the MGH, Clavis Canonum, online database <http://www.mgh.de/ext/clavis/>, using the incipit Fraterne mortis. The debates about the authorship of Gratian's Decretum are not relevant here, but see Melodie Eichbauer, ‘Gratian's Decretum and the changing historiographical landscape’, History Compass xi (2013), 1111–25.

²⁰ For instance, Meier-Welcker, ‘Die Simonie im frühen Mittelalter’, 89. For more recent discussion see Melve, Inventing, 61; Thomas Zotz, ‘Der Zustand der westlichen Kirche zu Beginn des Pontifikats Papst Leos ix. (um 1048/49)’, in Georges Bischoff and Benoît-Michel Tock (eds), Léon IX et son temps: actes du colloque international organisé par l'Institut d'Histoire Médiévale de l'Université Marc-Bloch, Strasbourg-Eguisheim, 20–22 juin 2002, Turnhout 2007, 19–31, and Lorke, Kommunikation, 376–7.

²¹ Cf. Tellenbach, Western Church, 140. Lorke uses the text as one of three illustrations for concern over simony in the 1030s in Italy, but in truth it is the only one, since of the other two, the Life of William of Volpiano was written in France by Ralph Glaber, and Andreas of Strumi's Life of John Gualbert was written as late as 1092: Kommunikation, 54 n. 219.

²² ‘equidem crediderim, epistolam inter annos 1023–1033 compositam fuisse… vel ut accuratius tempus definiam, anno 1031 proximove’: Widonis monachi epistola, 3. Note the subjunctive.

²³ For a list of manuscripts see Gilchrist, ‘Die Epistola Widonis’. To be added to Gilchrist's list are two Burchard manuscripts, BM, Troyes, ms 1386, and BnF, Paris, ms lat. 3861, as reported by Gérard Fransen in ‘Le Manuscrit de Burchard de Worms conservé à la bibliothèque municipale de Montpellier’, Mélanges Roger Aubenas, Montpellier 1974, 305 n. 7.

²⁴ ‘in quo sic legitur: Epistola Vuidi monachi ad Heribertum archiepiscopum’: Étienne Baluze, Miscellanea novo ordine digesta, Paris 1761–4, ii. 115.

²⁵ For an overview see the essays collected in Marta Luigina Mangini and others (eds), Ariberto da Intimiano: i documenti segni del potere, Milan 2009.

²⁶ Gabriella Rossetti, ‘Origine sociale e formazione dei vescovi del Regnum Italiae nei secoli xi e xii’, in Le istituzioni ecclesiastiche della ‘Societas Christiana’ dei secoli XI–XII. diocesi, Milan 1977, 57–84 at p. 68 n. 17, though cf. Cinzio Violante, La Pataria milanese e la riforma ecclesiastica, Rome 1955, 12 n. 3. The charter is edited by Heinrich Bresslau and Paul Kehr in Die Urkunden Heinrichs III, MGH, Berlin 1931, no. 29, 37–9.

²⁷ Gli atti dell'arcivescovo di Milano nei secoli XI–XII: Ariberto da Intimiano (1018–1045), ed. Marta Luigina Mangini, Milan 2009, no. 28.

²⁸ Antonio Samaritani, ‘Contributi alla biografia di Guido a Pomposa e Arezzo’, in Antonio Rusconi (ed.), Guido d'Arezzo monaco pomposiano, Florence 2000, 127; cf. Gilchrist, ‘Die Epistola Widonis’, 579 n. 6.

²⁹ For a catalogue of the manuscripts see Guido d'Arezzo's Regule rithmice Prologus in antiphonarium, and Epistola ad Michahelem: a critical text and translation, ed. and trans. Dolores Pesce, Ottawa 1999.

³⁰ Sigibert, Catalogus Sigeberti Gemblacensis monachi de viris illustribus, ed. Robert Witte, Bern 1974, 92.

³¹ Peter Damian, Liber Gratissimus. Whether Guido returned to Pomposa after the death of Theodald of Arezzo in about 1036 is unproven but likely: Guido of Arezzo, Opere, pp. xxxvii–xxxviii.

³² ‘cum praesertim simoniaca haeresi modo prope cunctis damnatis episcopis, timeam in aliquo communicari’: Guido of Arezzo, Opere, 134. The letter is undated, but was written before the death of Pope John xix in October 1032: Guido of Arezzo, Opere, p. xl.

³³ ‘quod nonnullos venerabiles viros, quod constat proculdubio a symoniacis ad sacerdotium fuisse provectos’: Peter Damian, Liber Gratissimus, 477–8, listing amongst others ‘Guido Pomposianus’.

³⁴ Donizo, Vita di Matilde di Canossa, ed. L. Bethmann, MGH, Scriptores, Hannover 1856, xii. 362.

³⁵ Jean-Pierre Delumeau, Arezzo: espace et sociétés, 715–1230: recherches sur Arezzo et son contado du VIIIe au début du XIIIe siècle, Rome 1996, 512.

³⁶ On this manuscript see Maya Maskarinec, ‘Why remember Ratchis? Medieval monastic memory and the Lombard past’, Archivio storico italiano clxxvii (2019), 3–57. See also the detailed description in Mario Marrocchi, Monachi scrittore: San Salvatore al monte Amiata tra Impero e Papato (secoli VIII–XIII), Florence 2014, 291–3.

³⁷ Widonis monachi epistola, 5 n. a (manuscript 2).

³⁸ Marrocchi dates the manuscript ‘ai primissimi decenni del secolo xii’: Monachi, 293.

³⁹ Gabriella Pomaro, I manoscritte medievale della Biblioteca Capitolare Feliniana di Lucca, Florence 2015: ‘XI terzo quarto’, 112, and more specifically the 1070s, 113.

⁴⁰ ‘Epistola sancti Pascasii ad Mediolanensem archiepicopatum simoniaca heresi laborentem’: Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence, ms Pluteus XVI 21, fo. 243v.

⁴¹ Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, ms 11548, fo. 64, reported by Dischner to be attributed to Paschasius: Humbert, 86 n. 30.

⁴² ‘Decretum Pascasii papae ad archiepiscopum mediolane[sem]’: Stiftsbibliothek, St Gallen, Cod. 676, fo. 180.

⁴³ ‘Decretum Paschasii papae <sive Paschalis pape>’ (superscript addition): Bibliothèque Humaniste, Sélestat, ms 13, fo. 45v.

⁴⁴ The text carries no authorship in Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City, ms lat. 3809, fo. 28v. I have not been able to view Biblioteca Capitolare, Monza, ms d–10/152, fo. 27, nor Biblioteca Provincial, Tarragona, ms 26, fo. 121.

⁴⁵ ‘in zweiten oder im dritten Viertel des 11 Jhs’: Hartmut Hoffmann, Bamberger Handschriften des 10 und des 11 Jahrhunderts, Hannover 1995, 122.

⁴⁶ Paul Hinschius thought he could made out ‘W.d….m…ad harib…hp’, but was clearly influenced by Baluze's edition which he mentions: ‘Ueber Pseudo-Isidore-Handschriften und Kanonnessammlungen in spanischen Bibliotheken’, ZfK iii (1863), 122–47 at p. 127; cf. Paul Hinschius, Decretales Pseudo-Isidorianae et Capitula Angilramni, Leipzig 1863, p. xliv.

⁴⁷ Friedrich Thaner draws on Hinschius: ‘Hinkmar von Rheims und Bernald’, Neues Archiv xxx (1905), 693–701 at p. 695 n.1; cf. Henning Hoesch, Die kanonischen Quellen im Werk Humberts von Moyenmoutier: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der vorgregorianischen Reform, Cologne 1970, 34. Hoesch, however, cites neither Thaner nor Hinschius.

⁴⁸ ‘von dem ursprünglichen Titel ist jetzt kaum mehr etwas Bestimmtes zu erkennen’: Hans Fischer, Katalog der Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Bamberg, Wiesbaden 1887–1912, 859. The letter form ‘W’ does not appear in the Bamberg manuscript, which makes Hinschius' reading unlikely. I am grateful to Gerald Raab for providing me with high-resolution photographs (300 dpi, bit depth 24), which I have processed through imaging software to bring out the erased text, but to no avail.

⁴⁹ ‘Ex epistola papae Paschalis missa Mediolani’: Deusdedit, Kanonessammlung des Kardinals Deusdedit, ed. Victor Wolf von Glanvell, Paderborn 1905, bk iv, chs 93–4, 440–2. Deusdedit also cites the letter in his later work, Libellus contra invasores, ed. Ernst Sackur, MGH, Libelli de Lite, ii. 318–19, written around 1097, including an extract from the letter's extension (p. 318). He again attributes the letter to Pope Paschal.

⁵⁰ Gilchrist, ‘Die Epistola Widonis’, 593.

⁵¹ ‘quid ego sentiam de confectione sacramentorum a symoniacis’: quoted in Bernold of Konstanz, De damnatione scismaticorum, ed. Friedrich Thaner, MGH, Libelli de lite, ii. 38.

⁵² ‘Audi Paschalem papae in epistola ad Mediolanensem aecclesiam’: Bernhard of Hildesheim, quoted in Bernold of Konstanz, De damnatione scismaticorum, 41–2. He includes several extracts from the original letter as well as the extension.

⁵³ ‘Decretum Pascasii papae ad archiepiscopum Mediolanensem’. On the Sélestat manuscript, which is not discussed by Autenrieth, see Robinson, Ian, ‘Zur Arbeitsweise Bernolds von Konstanz und seines Kreises: Untersuchungen zum Schlettstädter Codex 13’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters xxxiv (1978), 51–122Google Scholar at p. 56. Robinson notes that a glossator has added ‘sive Paschalis’. On St Gallen Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. 676, see Johanne Autenrieth, ‘Bernold von Konstanz und der Codex Sangellensis 676’, in ‘Festschrift Friedrich Baethgen’, typescript, Munich 1950 (available via the MGH website). For a description and images of St Gallen, Cod. 676 see <https://www.e-codices.unifr.ch/en/list/one/csg/0676>.

⁵⁴ Bernold of Konstanz, De sacramentis excommunicatorum, ed. F. Thaner, Hanover 1892, MGH, Libelli de Lite, ii. 92.

⁵⁵ See Pesce, Guido, and Thomas McCarthy, Music, scholasticism and reform: Salian Germany, 1024–1125, Manchester 2008, 80–93.

⁵⁶ Bernold, De statutis ecclesiasticis sobrie legendis, ed. F. Thaner, MGH, Libelli de lite, ii. 157.

⁵⁷ Stiftsbibliothek, St Gallen, Cod. 676, p. 180. The gloss reads ‘Hanc epistola non Paschasii papae fuisse quia nullus erat’: Johanne Autenrieth, Die Domschule von Konstanz zur Zeit des Investiturstreits: die wissenschaftliche Arbeitsweise Bernolds von Konstanz und zweier Kleriker dargestellt auf Grund von Handschriftenstudien, Munich 1956, 138 n. 140, ‘von Bernold eigenhändig geschrieben’. Note that the attribution in the Sélestat manuscript was not updated, probably because it left Bernold's ownership in or before 1076.

⁵⁸ ‘Sed quidam Wido qui et musicam composuit. Sic enim viri religiosissimi asserunt qui hoc ex discipulis eidem diligentissime exploraverunt’: Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart, ms HB VI 107, fo. 124r. At the time of writing, the manuscript can be viewed at <http://digital.wlb-stuttgart.de/purl/bsz38329813X> (accessed December 2020). On the manuscript see Autenrieth, Domschule, 106–15, and Taylor, Daniel, ‘An early liturgical compilation of Bernold of Constance? A comparative analysis of Codex Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek HB VI 107 and Bernold's Micrologus’, Sacris erudiri xxxvii (1997), 163–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ Bernold mentions his attendance at the 1079 council in a work on Berengar, and notes the presence at the council of 150 bishops and abbots ‘and innumerable clerics’, naming Peter of Albano, Anselm of Lucca, Landulf of Pisa, Reginar of Florence, Hugh of Die and Altmann of Pavia. See R. B. C. Huygens, Serta mediaevalia: textus varii saeculorum X–XIII in unum collecti, Turnhout 2000, 252. Bernold's Micrologus mentions a meeting with Bishop Anselm ii of Lucca at ch. xvii, as well as other liturgical decisions made by the council of 1079 that are not recorded in the Register. See Robinson, Ian, ‘The friendship network of Gregory vii’, History: Journal of the Historical Association lxiii (1978), 1–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar at p. 21. On their exchange of texts see Schilling, Beate, ‘Ein Textdossier aus der Zeit Bischof Anselm ii. von Lucca’, ZSfR cxxxvii (2020), 70–122Google Scholar at p. 90.

⁶⁰ Bernold of Konstanz, Chronicon, ed. Ian Robinson, Die Chronikon Bertholds von Reichenau und Bernolds von Konstanz, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, Hanover 2003, 422. On this letter, the Epistola de continentia clericorum, see Melve, Leidulf, ‘Public debate on clerical marriage in the late eleventh century’, this Journal lxi (2010), 688–706Google Scholar. Melve reports Barstow's suggestion about the deliberate reassignation at n. 32.

⁶¹ In a slightly confusing note, Gilchrist states that the attribution to Guido is attested in six manuscript witnesses, but does not list them: ‘Die Epistola Widonis’, 580 n. 13. I have checked the four manuscripts which he identifies as being from the text's early stages; of these, only the Vatican manuscript attributes the letter to Guido (provided we assume its Guidoni really means Guidonis), and it is later than Gilchrist thought. I assume Gilchrist's six include the lost manuscript of Baluze, Vatican BAV Lat. 581, and the glosses in St Gallen, Cod. 676, and Stuttgart, ms HB VI 107; Gilchrist's other two manuscripts presumably relate to the south German tradition, post-1080.

⁶² On Bernold see Autenrieth, Domschule; Robinson, ‘Zur Arbeitsweise’ and ‘Friendship circle of Bernold’; and Münsch, Oliver, ‘Neues zu Bernold von Konstanz’, ZSfR xcii (2006), 207–23Google Scholar.

⁶³ ‘Das Papsttum verkörperte fur ihn geradezu das kanonische Recht, ja der Papst stand in seiner Auffassung sogar über den Kanones’: Münsch, ‘Neues zu Bernold’, 208.

⁶⁴ ‘Non igitur beato augustino praeiudicare poterit in aliquo’: Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart, ms HB VI 107, fo. 124 (a continuation of the gloss noted above), ed. Friederic Thaner, MGH, Libelli de lite, ii. 41 n. c; cf. how Bernold dealt with Pope Gregory i's letter to the hermit Secundinus (JE 1673), declaring it a forgery because it was ‘Gregorii statutis contraria’: Detlev Jasper, ‘Burchards Dekret in der Sicht der Gregorianer’, in Wilfried Hartmann (ed.), Bischof Burchard von Worms, 1000–1025, Mainz 2000, 179 n. 29.

⁶⁵ See n. 52 above.

⁶⁶ Gilchrist, ‘Die Epistola Widonis’, 582. The extension is also quoted in a Milanese collection of canon law, Archivio capitolare, Milan, ms M11 (s. xiiⁱⁿ), ed. Giorgio Picasso as Collezione canoniche milanesi del secolo XII, Milan 1969, 227–8, where it is attributed to ‘Beatus Gregorius papa’.

⁶⁷ See n. 45 above.

⁶⁸ Linda Fowler-Magerl argues (p. 148) that the oldest core of this collection (canons 170–237) was made between 1061 and 1080: ‘Fine distinctions and the transmission of texts’, ZSfR lxxxiii (1997), 146–86; for development of this argument cf. Beate Schilling, ‘Ein Textdossier’, esp. pp. 101–11. The collection is edited by Picasso in Collezioni canoniche, with the quotation (canon 228) at pp. 120–1.

⁶⁹ For the Antisimonistenklausel found in some eleventh-century Tuscan foundation charters see Werner Goez, ‘Reformpapsttum, Adel und monastische Erneuerung in der Toscana’, in J. Fleckenstein (ed.), Investiturstreit und Reichsverfassung, Munich 1973, 205–39; for its absence in Milanese documentation see Hagan Keller, ‘Pataria und Stadtverfassung, Stadtgemeinde und Reform: Mailand im “Investiturstreit”’, ibid. 326 n. 12.

⁷⁰ Peter Damian, Vita beati Romualdi, ed. Giovanni Tabacco, Rome 1957, ch. xxxv, p. 75. The work is dated only by a prologue which suggests that it was written three lustra (normally five years) after Romuald's death, whose timing is uncertain.

⁷¹ On the Pataria see Nagy, Piroshka, ‘Collective emotions, history writing and change: the case of the Pataria (Milan, eleventh century)’, Emotions: History, Culture, Society ii (2018), 132–52Google Scholar, and James Norrie's forthcoming monograph, Urban change and radical religion: medieval Milan, c. 990–1140. For the longstanding practices see Peter Damian, Briefe (Reindel edn), no. 65, pp. 228–47 (a report of his 1059 mission to Milan).

⁷² ‘A quibus, si salutem a salvatore speratis, deinceps omnino cavete, nulla eorum venerantes officia, quorum sacrificia idem est, ac si canina sint stercora eorumque basylice iumentorum presepia’: Arnulf of Milan, Liber gestorum recentium, ed. Claudia Zey, MGH, Scriptores, Hanover 1994, bk iii, ch. ix, p. 177. Translation adapted from W. North, ‘The book of recent deeds’. The terminus ante quem for the work is provided by the date of Arnulf's death, in about 1077.

⁷³ Arnulf, Liber gestorum recentium, bk iv, ch. 6, p. 210.

⁷⁴ ‘de simoniaca quam eatenus reticuerant palam loqui incipiunt’: Andrew of Strumi, Passio sancti martyris Arialdi Mediolanensis, ed. and trans. Marco Navoni, Milan 1994, ch. x, p. 80; Landulfus Senior, Mediolanensis historiae libri quatuor, ed. Alessandro Cutolo, Bologna 1942, bk iii, ch. xiii. Archbishop Guido was also accused of simony by Bonizo of Sutri: ‘absque ulla verecundia symoniacus’ (though Bonizo too was writing after the event, c. 1080): Liber ad amicum, ed. Ernst Dümmler, MGH, Libelli de Lite, i. 591. It is often assumed that Archbishop Guido was accused of simony in 1050, but the sources are not explicit: Violante, Pataria, 88; and MGH, Concilia VIII (Jasper edn), 279 n. 55.

⁷⁵ On Anselm see Violante, Pataria, 147–73. The Bamberg manuscript was acquired by a bishop Anselm whom Hoffmann thought could have been Anselm i of Lucca: Bamberger Handschriften, 122. We know from Peter Damian that Anselm was keen on acquiring manuscripts: Peter Damien, Briefe (Reindel edn), iv. 74–5.

⁷⁶ Staatsbibliothek, Munich, Clm 4570, fo. 34 (s.xii), and BAV, Vatican City, ms Vat. lat. 3809 (s. xi), fo. 28v, in both cases labelled as ‘item de symoniacis’. The manuscripts are accessible at <https://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS_Vat.lat.3809> and <https://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/0004/bsb00047210/images/>. The edition of the Pope Nicholas ii text is at MGH, Concilia VIII (Jasper edn), Text A, pp. 382–3. Fowler-Magerl notes that the Nicholas ii decree is also in BM, Troyes, ms 1386, which also contains the Letter of Guido: ‘Fine distinctions’, 149. See also n. 23 above. The same pairing is also found in Archivio Capitolare, Milan, ms M11, though here the Letter is only quoted in its extended version: see n. 67 above.

⁷⁷ Franz Pelster, ‘Das Dekret Burkhards von Worms in einer Redaktion aus dem Beginn der gregorianischen Reform (Cod. Vat. lat. 3809 und Cod. Monacen. lat. 4570)’, Studi gregoriani per la storia di Gregorio VII e della riforma gregoriana i (1947), 321–51. MGH, Concilia VIII (Jasper edn), 368, accepts an eleventh-century date for the manuscript.

⁷⁸ Rudolf Weigand, ‘Die Lambacher Handschrift xvi des Dekrets Burchards von Worms und Bischof Adalbero von Würzburg’, Würzburger Diözesangeschichtsblätter lii (1990), 25–36 at p. 29.

⁷⁹ Violante, Pataria, 182–3, 207–8; Giovanni Miccoli, ‘Per la storia della Pataria milanese’, Bullettino dell'Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo lxx (1958), 43–124: a reference to ‘una influenza del suo pensiero sull'azione del movimento milanese’ at p. 69; cf. also McCready, Peter Damian, 99–100.

⁸⁰ Anton Michel, ‘Antisimonistischen Reordinationen und eine neue Humbert-Schrift’, Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte xlvi (1941), 19–56.

⁸¹ H.-W. Klewitz, review in ZSfR xxx (1941), 421–2.

⁸² Hoesch, Die kanonischen Quellen, 33–4.

⁸³ Gilchrist, ‘Die Epistola Widonis’, n. 10 (though Gilchrist had himself emphasised Humbertine resonances in ‘The Epistola Widonis’, 56).

⁸⁴ Robison, ‘Humberti Cardinalis libri tres’, 66–72; Dischner, Humbert, 86–9.

⁸⁵ Robison, ‘Humberti Cardinalis libri tres’, 69.

⁸⁶ On the monastery of Vallombrosa see Cushing, Kathleen, ‘Of “Locustae” and dangerous men: Peter Damian, the Vallombrosans, and eleventh-century reform’, Church History lxxiv (2005), 740–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁷ For the misattribution of a text originally issued by Pope Alexander ii to Pope Celestine i (†432) see Schilling, ‘Ein Textdossier’, 104.

⁸⁸ See Ambrosioni, Annamaria, ‘Il più antico elenco di chierci della diocesi ambrosiana et altre aggiunte al Decretum di Burchardo in un codice della Biblioteca Ambrosiana (E 144 sup.): una voce della polemica antipatarinica?’, Aevum l (1976), 274–320Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Schilling, ‘Ein Textdossier’, esp. pp. 109–11.

⁹⁰ Annette Grabowsky, ‘Streit um Formosus: Edition und Analyse der Streitschriften des Auxilius’, unpublished PhD diss. Tübingen 2012; Leyser, Conrad, ‘Episcopal office in the Italy of Liutprand of Cremona, c. 890–c. 970’, EHR cxxv (2010), 795–817CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jégou, Laurent, ‘Compétition autour d'un cadaver: le procès du pape Formose et ses enjeux (896–904)’, Revue historique cccxvii (2015), 499–523CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹¹ Staatsbibliothek, Bamberg, Msc.Can 4, one of the earliest witness to the Letter, embodies this combination, since there the Letter is preceded by a work concerning the ordinations of Pope Formosus: Grabowsky, Streit um Formosus, pp. clxi–clxvi.

⁹² The De dignitate sacerdotali is often attributed to Gerbert of Aurillac in the older literature, but the text is probably from Carolingian Francia. On Bishop Fulbert's letter to Archbishop Leotheric of Sens c. 1006 see Schebler, Reordinationen, 216–17.

⁹³ See MGH, Concilia VIII (Jasper edn), 199.

⁹⁴ On Leo ix see Andrew Smith, ‘Pope Leo ix: a reforming pope?’, History Compass xvii (2019), 1–13.

⁹⁵ Cf. Leyser, ‘Episcopal office’.

⁹⁶ On the Carolingian reception of Cyprian of Carthage see Eleni Leontidou, ‘The reception of Cyprian of Carthage in early medieval Europe’, unpubl. PhD diss. Cambridge 2017. On the transmission of Cyprian in general see Maurice Bévenot, The tradition of the manuscripts, Oxford 1961. St-Evre of Toul, in the intellectual milieu of Humbert and Leo ix, had a copy of Cyprian's letters according to an eleventh-century catalogue: Ecriture et enluminure en Lorraine au moyen âge, Nancy 1984, 77–80. See, broadly, Marie-José Gasse-Grandjean, ‘Livres manuscrits et librairies dans les abbayes et chapitres vosgiens des origines au xve siècle’, unpubl. PhD diss. Nancy 1989, published in abbreviated form as Les Livres dans les abbayes vosgiennes du moyen âge, Nancy 1992.