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⁵ See notably C. Erdmanne, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade, Princeton 1977, 15–30, and the often misinterpreted references in F.H., Russell, The Just War in the Middle Ages, Cambridge 1975, 28–33.Google Scholar

⁶ ‘Wherefore, because obedience did not follow God's commands, as was necessary, the Lord sent "from the north", from which, according to the prophet, "evil shall break forth", apostles befitting our merits, namely those cruel and most savage persecutors of Christianity, the Northmen, who, coming as far as Paris, showed what God commanded’: MGH Concilia iii. 82.Google Scholar

⁷ Charter for St Florent of 866: Tessier, G. (ed.), Recueil des actes de Charles II le Chauve, ii, Paris 1952, 135, no. 287.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Alcuini Epistolae no. 19, MGH Epp. iv. 55.Google Scholar Apart from the reference at the Synod of Meaux-Paris reproduced above, the text is also cited in Ermentarius, De translationibus et miraculis sancti Filiberti, preface to book 2 in Monuments de Chistoire des abbayes de Saint-Philibert, ed. R., Poupardin, Paris 1905, 61;Google Scholar Historic sancti Florentii Salmurensis, in Chronique des églises d'Anjou, ed. P., Marchegay and E., Mabille, Paris 1869, 218;Google Scholar Miracula sancti Remacli Stabulensis, ii. 1, MGH SS xv. 1. 439; Folcuin,Google Scholar Gesta abbatum Lobiensium c. 16, MGH SS iv. 61; Abbo,Google Scholar Vita Eadmundi, c. 5, PL cxxxix. 510.Google Scholar

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¹² On the differentiation between the literal and spiritual interpretations of Scripture in Paschasius Radbert's works see Smalley, B., The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, Oxford 1952, 42.Google Scholar

¹³ Expositio in Lamentationes Ieremiae, i, letter Lamed, PL cxx. 1220. On the reaction of contemporaries see S. Coupland, ‘Charles the Bald and the defence of the West Frankish kingdom against the Viking invasions, 840–877’, unpublished PhD diss., Cambridge 1987, 20.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Expositio in Matthaeum, xi. 24, PL cxx. 801, 805.Google Scholar

¹⁵ ‘He lets the heathen sail across to punish the Frank for their sins’: W., Braune and E.A., Ebbinghaus, Althochdeutsches Lesebuch, 16th ed, Tubingen 1979, 137.Google Scholar

¹⁶ ‘God's judgement thereby revealing that what had been done by the Northmen had not been accomplished by man's strength, but by God's’: AB 881, 244.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Hlotharii capitulate de expeditione contra Sarracenos facienda c. 2, MGH Cap. ii. 65–6;Google Scholar Annales Fuldenses (Regensburg continuation) 891, 119.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Annales Engolismenses 851, MGH SS xvi. 486;Google Scholar Reginonis Chronicon 862 [sic\, 79–80.Google Scholar

¹⁹ An excellent survey of the controversy can be found in D. E., Nineham, ‘Gottschalk of Orbais: reactionary or precursor of the Reformation?’, this JOURNAL xl (1989), 1–18.Google Scholar

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²⁴ ‘Victory in warfare is given by the Almighty through his angel to whom he wishes and to whom he ordains’: De regispersona el regio ministerio, c. 12, PL cxxv. 842–3.Google Scholar On the dating see Laehrs, G., ‘Ein karolingischer Konzilsbrief und der Fürstenspiegel Hincmars von Reims’, Neues Archiv i (1935), 114–15.Google Scholar

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²⁶ Although Wallace-Hadrill avoided this emotive term, it can be found in nineteenth-century works such as that of Henaux, F., ‘Les Normands dans le pays de Liège’, Messager des sciences historiques et archives des arts de Belgique (1847), 290–1.Google Scholar

²⁷ The latter expression is employed in AB 841, 39.Google Scholar

²⁸ Annales Xantenses el Annales Vedastini, ed. B., de Simson (MGH SS rer. Germ.).Google Scholar

²⁹ Annals of St Vaast: see previous note; Annales regni Francorum, ed. F., Kurze, (MGH SS rer. Germ.).Google Scholar

³⁰ ‘Barbari’ was in fact the term which Lupus of Ferrières most commonly used to denote the Vikings: L., Levillain (ed.), Loup de Ferrières: correspondance, Paris 1927–1935.Google Scholar

³¹ Saracens, : see e.g. Hludowici regis Arelalensis electio, MGH Cap. ii. 376–7;Google Scholar Slavs, : Annales Corbeienses 929, MGH SS iii. 4;Google Scholar Magyars, : Historia Francorum Senonensis, MGH SS x. 366.Google Scholar

³² On this theme, see e.g. Tellenbach, G., Rb'mischer und christlicher Reichsgedanke in der Liturgie des frilhen Mittelalters (Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissen-schaften, phil.-hi. Klasse 1934–5, i).Google Scholar

³³ See e.g. Bischoff, B., Millelalterliche Schatzverzeichnisse, i, Munich 1967, 36–8 (St Bavo), 87–8 (St Truiden);Google Scholar Chronique de I'abbaye de Saint-Riquier, ed. F., Lot, Paris 1894, 86–97;Google Scholar Gesta episcopum Autisiodorensium, MGH SS xiii. 395–8;Google Scholar Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Saint-Bertin, ed. B., Guerard, Paris 1841, 164.Google Scholar

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³⁶ A. T., Lucas, ‘The plundering and burning of Churches in Ireland, 7th to 16th century’, in E., Rynne (ed.), North Munster Studies: essays in commemoration of Monsignor Michael Moloney, Limerick 1967, 172–229.Google Scholar

³⁷ ‘Nothing shall be stored in a church except ecclesiastical vestments and holy vessels and books’: Theodulfi Aurelianensis episcopi Capitula ad presbyteros parochiae suae c. 8, PL cv. 194 ; repeated in Rodulfi Biluricensis episcopi Capitula c. 3, PL cxix. 705–6.Google Scholar

³⁸ ‘The poor people strove to store their possessions in the churches’: Vita Remigii c. 28, MGH SS rer. Merov. iii. 323 The same practice is reported in AB 841, 40.Google Scholar

³⁹ ‘Seized wine which had been stored in the church out of fear’: Historia Remensis ecclesiae i. 20, MGH SS xiii. 437.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ AB 841, 854, 868, 40, 69, 141.Google Scholar

⁴² Several contemporary texts refer to the body of a saint as a ‘thesaurus’: e.g. Miracula sancti Vedasti ii. 1; MGH SS xv. 1, 398; Miracula sancti Richarii i. 11: Ada sanctorum Aprilis iii. 450; Flodoard, Historia Remensis ecclesiae iii. 30, MGH SS xiii. 554.Google Scholar

⁴³ ‘To compel him to give up the precious metals in which the holy bones of St Columba lay’: MGH Poetae ii. 297–age 301, at lines 142–4.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ De translationibus sancti Filiberli, preface to book 1 in Poupardin, Monuments, 24. See e.g. Zettel, Bild der Normannen, 199 n. 103.Google Scholar

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⁵⁰ ‘Studebantque praeterea vicibus aequis, quatenus aliquos nobilium gratia pecunia capere possent’: Miracula sancti Germani ii. 10, Ada sanctorum Maii vi. 803.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ AB 843, 857, 859, 44, 75, 81; Annales Mascienses 910, MGH SS iii. 169.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Even so, Bishop Fulco of Reims was murdered by followers of Count Baldwin of Flanders in 900: Annales Vedastini 900, 82; Flodoard, Historia Remensis ecdesiae, iv. 10, MGH SS xiii. 574–5.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ AB 834, 14.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ AB 842, 42–3.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ AB 836, 19–20; Annales Colonienses brevissimi 836, MGH SS i. 97.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Gesta episcoporum Leodiensium c. 37, MGH SS xxv. 49; Legend of Hernekin, cit. Paillard, A.,Google Scholar ‘Histoire des invasions des Northmans dans la Morinie’, Mémoires de la Socieété des antiquaires de la Morinie x (1858), 39, 41 n. 1.Google Scholar

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⁶² Abbo's ‘visum cruentum’, to which Wallace-Hadrill referred, surely meant the bloodshed visible on every side, as the context indicates: H., Waquet (ed.), Abbon: le siège de Paris par les Normands, Paris 1942, 30, at line 197. It should also be emphasised that the verb ‘occidere’ has no connotations of ritual murder, as Wallace-Hadrill seemed to believe.Google Scholar

⁶³ See for instance Hraban, Maur, De inventione linguarum, PL cxii.1581–2,Google Scholar and Vita Anskarii, ed. G., Waitz (MGH SS rer. Germ.), 38–46, 56–63 (c. 18–20, 26–31).Google Scholar Rimbert's biography of Anskar has recently been discussed by I., Wood, ‘Christians and pagans in ninth-century Scandinavia’, in B., Sawyer, P., Sawyer and I., Wood (eds), The Christianization of Scandinavia, Alingsås 1987, 36–67.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Wallace-Hadrill, , Vikings in Francia, 12–13, with references.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Hincmari Epistolae no. 170, De poenitentia Pippinis regis, MGH Epp. viii. 1, 164–5.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ ‘There is no distinction between someone making an alliance with pagans or denying God and worshipping idols’: Flodoard, Historia Remensis ecdesiae iv. 5, MGH SS xiii. 565.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See e.g. the works by Hraban, Maur, De magicisartibus, PL ex. 1095–1110;Google Scholar the homily Contra paganicos errores, PL ex. 80–1, and his Poenitentiale, PL ex. 491–2; also the Liber poenitenlialis of Halitgar of Cambrai, PL cv. 699–700; Regino of Prüm, De ecclesiasticis disciplinis, PL exxxii. 284–5, 349–56, and Agobard of Lyon, Liber de grandine et tonitruis, PL civ, 147–58.Google Scholar Useful discussions of superstition and pagan ritual in the Carolingian period can be found in Riché, P., ‘La magie à l'époque carolingienne’, Comptes-rendus de I'Académic des inscriptions et belles-lettres (1973), 127–38;Google Scholar Dierkens, A., ‘Superstitions, christianisme et paganisme à la fin de l'époque mérovingienne: à propos de l'Indiculus superstitionum et paganiarum’,Google Scholar in H., Hasquin (ed.), Magie, sorcellerie, parapsychologie, Brussels 1984, 9–26;Google Scholar Blöcker, M., ‘Wetterzauber: zu einem Glaubenskomplex desfruhen Mittelalters’, Francia ix (1981), 117–31.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ AB 839, 27–8. On Carolingian attitudes to the Jews in general see J. M., Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church, Oxford 1983, 390–403,Google Scholar and on the Bodo case in particular Löwe, H., ‘Die Apostasie des Pfalzdiakons Bodo’,Google Scholar in G., Althoff et al. (eds.), Person und Gemeinschaft im Mittelalter. Karl Schmid zum 65. Geburtstag, Sigmaringen 1988, 157–70. I am indebted to Jinty Nelson for drawing my attention to this article, which I have not been able to consult.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ AB 847, 53–4.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Halitgar, Liberpoenitentialis, PL cv. 702;Google Scholar Concilium Wormatiense c. 27 in Mansi,Google Scholar Sacrorum conciliorum collectio, xv. 874.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Nicolai I papae Epistolae variae no. 139, MGH Epp. vi. 659.Google Scholar

⁷² The milites are discussed at greater length in Coupland, ‘Charles the Bald’, 99–101.Google Scholar

⁷³ ‘Just as it is shameful and wicked for a layman to celebrate masses, so it is ridiculous and unsuitable for a cleric to take up arms and go to war, as the apostle Paul says: "No one soldiering for God gets mixed up in worldly affairs" (2 Tim. ii. 4), and so plainly also says the reverse: No one soldiering for the world gets mixed up in spiritual affairs’: Nicolai Ipapae Epistolae variae, no. 104, MGH Epp. vi. 613.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ De regis persona, c. 2, PL cxxv. 835.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ ‘Ready to fight the Northmen for the liberation of the Church of God, and striving to force the enemies of Christ's cross to final surrender’: Iohannis VIII papae Epistolae passim collectae 7, MGH Epp. vii. 321.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ ‘The peace of eternal life will receive those who fall in battle in the piety of the Catholic religion, fighting vigorously against pagans and infidels’:Google Scholar Iohannis VIII papae Epistolae 150, MGH Epp. vii. 126.Google Scholar

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⁷⁸ Annales Fuldenses 882, 99. It should none the less be borne in mind that both Hildegarius and the Fulda annalist bore particular grudges against the kings in question, and that their views were by no means shared by all their contemporaries.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ ‘Therefore others are fighting against invisible enemies by praying for you, while you are battling for them as you struggle against visible barbarians’: De regispersona c. 10, PL cxxv. 842.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ ‘From the fierce people of the Northmen who lay waste our lands, O God, deliver us’: Analecta hymnica ix (1890), 54–5, no. 67.Google Scholar

⁸¹ ‘For the serene Emperor Charles, that God will submit the barbarian nations to him, and that he in his bounty will preserve the Frankish army’: Sancti Comelii Compendiensis Translationes ii, MGH Poetae iv. 1, 240. For other examples see Tellenbach, Reichsgedanke, esp. at pp. 43–71.Google Scholar

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⁸⁴ See further Prinz, F., Klerus und Krieg im friiheren Miltelalter (Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 2), Stuttgart 1971,Google Scholar and J. L., Nelson, ‘The Church's military service in the ninth century: a contemporary comparative view?’,Google Scholar in W. J., Shiels (ed.), The Church and War (Studies in Church History 20), London 1983, 15–30.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ ‘Armed and fighting, contrary to sacred authority and episcopal office’: AB 882, 247Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Karlmanni principis capitulare c. 2, MGH Cap i, 25.Google Scholar The function of chaplains is also considered briefly in McCormick, M., ‘The liturgy of war in the Early Middle Ages: crisis, litanies and the Carolingian monarchy’, Viator xv (1984), 1–23.Google Scholar

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⁸⁸ The text is in Schmitz, W., ‘Tironische Miszellen 11’, Neues Archiv xv (1890), 605–7, and the suggestion that it related to the Viking invasions in Erdmann, Idea of Crusade, 28.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Abbo, , Bella Parisiacae urbis, ii, lines 146–9, 247, and compare also lines 279–85:Google Scholar Waquet, , Siège de Paris, 76, 84, 86;Google Scholar Lair, J., Le Siège de Chartres par les Normands, Caen 1902, 39–40.Google Scholar

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⁹² Miracula sancti Bertini c. 8, MGH SS xv. 1, 513; Adelerii Miracula sancti Benedicti c. 41, MGH SS xv. 1. 499–500.Google Scholar

⁹³ Vita sancti Gildardi: Analecta Bollandiana viii (1889), 4041–5; Translatio sancti Germani c. 8 , Analecta Bollandiana ii, 75.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Altfridi Vita sancti Liudgeri iii. 6, MGH SS ii. 414.Google Scholar

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⁹⁹ AB 862, 863, 89–90, 104.Google Scholar Miracula sancti Richarii ii. 16,Google Scholar Ada sanctorum Aprilis iii. 456.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ ‘Even though he had been baptised, ended his dog's life with a fitting death’: Annales Xantenses 873, 33.Google Scholar

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¹⁰² AB 873, 876, 194–5, 206.Google Scholar

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