Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-t5pn6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-25T01:04:22.165Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Woodrow Wilson and World War I: A Reappraisal

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 January 2009

J. A. Thompson
Affiliation:
Fellow of St. Catharine's College, Cambridge CB2 1RL. He wishes to thank Stefan Collini, Richard Crockatt, Sterling J. Kernek, James T. Patterson, David Reynolds, Michael Sewell, Zara Steiner, and Robert H. Wiebe for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper. He is particularly indebted to Professor Kernek whose writings and conversation have significantly influenced his views on this subject.

Extract

Woodrow Wilson was the first American President to leave the Western Hemisphere during his period of office, and, as befitted him, the circumstances in which he did so were neither casual nor frivolous. He went to Europe in late 1918 to take part in the peace conference following a war that the United States had played a crucial part in bringing to a decisive end. His aim was to secure a peace that accorded with the proposals he had set out in his Fourteen Points address of January 1918 and in other speeches — a peace that would be based upon justice and thus secure consent, that would embody liberal principles(the self-determination of peoples as far as practicable, the prohibition of discriminatory trade barriers), and that would be maintained by a new international organization in which the United States, breaking its tradition of isolation, would take part — a league of nations that would provide a general guarantee of “political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.”

The symbolism of this dramatic moment, with the American prophet coming to bring redemption to the Old World, imprinted on the minds of contemporaries an image of Wilson which has affected most subsequent historiography. Viewing events from Vienna, that special victim of the First World War, Sigmund Freud found “the figure of the American President, as it rose above the horizon of Europeans, from the first unsympathetic, and… this aversion increased in the course of years the more I learned about him and the more severely we suffered from the consequences of his intrusion into our destiny.”

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1985

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Address to Congress, 8 Jan. 1918 in Link, Arthur S. et al. (eds.), The Papers of Woodrow Wilson [hereafter Wilson Papers], 45 (Princeton, N.J., 1984), 538Google Scholar.

2 Freud, Sigmund and Bullitt, William C., Thomas Woodrow Wilson: A Psychological Study (London, 1966), pp. xi, xiiGoogle Scholar.

3 Walworth, Arthur, America's Moment: 1918: American Diplomacy at the End of World War I (New York, 1977), p. 65 nGoogle Scholar.

4 Keynes, John Maynard, The Economic Consequences of the Peace (London, 1919), pp. 37–8, 50Google Scholar.

5 Link, Arthur S., The Higher Realism of Woodrow Wilson and Other Essays (Nashville, Tenn., 1971), p. 128Google Scholar.

6 Carr, E. H., The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919–1939 (London, 1939)Google Scholar; Lippmann, Walter, U.S. Foreign Policy: Shield of the Republic (Boston, 1943)Google Scholar; Kennan, George F., American Diplomacy, 1900–1950 (Chicago, 1951)Google Scholar; Morgenthau, Hans J., In Defense of the National Interest (New York, 1951)Google Scholar; Osgood, Robert Endicott, Ideals and Self-Interest in America's Foreign Relations: The Great Transformation of the Twentieth Century (Chicago, 1953)Google Scholar.

7 Devlin, Patrick, Too Proud to Fight: Woodrow Wilson's Neutrality (London, 1974), pp. 464, 678Google Scholar.

8 Link, , The Higher Realism, pp. 129–30, 136Google Scholar.

9 Levin, N. Gordon Jr, Woodrow Wilson and World Politics: America's Response to War and Revolution (New York, 1968), p. viiGoogle Scholar. See also Williams, William A., The Tragedy of American Diplomacy (New York, 1962), chapters 2 and 3Google Scholar; Gardner, Lloyd C., “American Foreign Policy 1900–1921: A Second Look at the Realist Critique of American Diplomacy” in Bernstein, Barton J. (ed.), Toward a New Past: Dissenting Essays in American History (New York, 1969), pp. 202–31Google Scholar.

10 Wells, Samuel F. JrNew Perspectives on Wilsonian Diplomacy: The Secular Evangelism of American Political Economy”, Perspectives in American History, 6 (1972), 389419Google Scholar.

11 Buehrig, Edward H. (ed.), Wilson's Foreign Policy in Perspective (Gloucester, Mass., 1970), p. 37Google Scholar.

12 Wabash (Ind.) Plain Dealer, quoted in Sullivan, Mark, Our Times, 5Google Scholar, Over Here, 1914–1918 (New York, 1933), 32Google Scholar.

13 The Independent, 79, 10 08 1914, p. 195Google Scholar.

14 Jones, Maldwyn A., The Old World Ties of American Ethnic Groups (University College, London, 1974), p. 4Google Scholar.

15 See Link, Arthur S., Wilson: The Struggle for Neutrality, 1914–1915 (Princeton, N.J., 1960), pp. 5051Google Scholar.

16 Remarks to the Associated Press in New York, 20 April 1915. Wilson Papers, 33, (Princeton, N.J., 1980), 41Google Scholar.

17 Link, , Wilson: The Struggle for Neutrality, pp. 6567Google Scholar.

18 Ibid., p. 31.

19 Ibid., pp. 66, 139.

20 Ibid., p. 55.

21 The force of these considerations is implicitly conceded by John W. Coogan in his very critical account of American neutrality policy in these months, although he lays much greater stress on Wilson's “personal pro-British, anti-German attitudes” and “his ability to impose his view on the nation he led.” Coogan, John W., The End of Neutrality: The United States, Britain, and Maritime Rights, 1899–1915. (Ithaca, N.Y., and London, 1981), 251–52, 179, 240–41Google Scholar.

22 Link, , Wilson: The Struggle for Neutrality, pp. 218–19Google Scholar; Seymour, Charles, The Intimate Papers of Colonel House, (London, 1926), i, 375Google Scholar.

23 Sullivan, Mark, Our Times, 5, 120 n. 5Google Scholar.

24 Wilson to W. J. Bryan, 7 June 1915, Wilson Papers, 33, 349.

25 Link, , Wilson: The Struggle for Neutrality, p. 452Google Scholar.

26 Ibid., p. 567.

27 Osgood, , Ideals and Self-Interest in America's Foreign Relations, pp. 206–7Google Scholar.

28 Link, Arthur S., Wilson: Confusions and Crises, 1915–1916 (Princeton, N.J., 1964), chapter 4Google Scholar.

29 Link, , Wilson: Confusions and Crises, pp. 103–4, 106–7Google Scholar.

30 May, Ernest R., The World War and American Isolation 1914–1917 (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), pp. 358–59Google Scholar.

31 Memorial Day address, 30 May 1916; Address to the League to Enforce Peace, 27 May 1916. Wilson Papers, 37 (Princeton, N.J., 1981), 126, 116Google Scholar.

32 Graham, Otis L. Jr, The Great Campaigns: Reform and War in America, 1900–1928 (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1971), p. 84Google Scholar.; Cooper, John Milton Jr, The Warrior and the Priest: Woodrow Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt (Cambridge, Mass., 1983), pp. 307–8Google Scholar.

33 Osgood, , Ideals and Self-Interest, p. 234 nGoogle Scholar.

34 The Command of Gold Reversed: American Loans to Britain. 1915–1917,” Pacific Historical Review, 45, (05 1976), 225Google Scholar.

35 Address to the Senate, 22 Jan. 1917. Wilson Papers, 40, (Princeton, N.J., 1982), 535, 536, 539Google Scholar.

36 Devlin, , Too Proud to Fight, pp. 678, 679–81Google Scholar.

37 Ibid., p. 680.

38 Link, Arthur S., Wilson: Campaigns for Progressivism and Peace (Princeton, N.J.), p. 398Google Scholar; Seymour, , Intimate Papers, 2, 467Google Scholar.

39 Woodrow Wilson to Cleveland H. Dodge, 4 April 1917, quoted in Kennedy, David M., Over Here: The First World War and American Society (New York, 1980), p. 11Google Scholar.

40 Mayer, Arno J., Political Origins of the New Diplomacy, 1917–1918 (New Haven, Conn., 1959), p. 167Google Scholar.

41 A Flag Day Address, 14 June 1917. Wilson Papers, 42 (Princeton, N.J., 1983), 503Google Scholar.

42 To the Provisional Government of Russia, 22 May 1917, Ibid., 42, 366.

43 J. P. Tumulty to Woodrow Wilson, 24 March 1917. Wilson Papers, 41 (Princeton, N.J., 1983), 462Google Scholar.

44 Address to Congress, 2 April 1917, Ibid., 41, 526–7.

45 e.g. Bourne, Randolph S., “The Collapse of American Strategy,” The Seven Arts, 2 (08 1917), 409–24Google Scholar, cf. Mametey, Victor S., The United States and East Central Europe 1914–1918: A Study in Wilsonian Diplomacy and Propaganda (Princeton, N.J., 1957), p. 90Google Scholar.

46 Address to the League to Enforce Peace, 27 May 1916. Wilson Papers, 37, 115.

47 Address to the Senate, 22 Jan. 1917, Ibid., 40, 536–7.

48 Mamatey, The United States and East Central Europe; Kernek, Sterling J., “Woodrow Wilson and National Self-determination Along Italy's Frontier: A Study of the Manipulation of Principles in the Pursuit of Political Interests,” Proceeding of the American Philosophical Society, 126 (1982), 245–7Google Scholar.

49 Lansing to W. H. Page, 8 Feb. 1917, cited in Mamatey, p. 57.

50 Annual Message on the State of the Union, 4 Dec. 1917, Wilson Papers, 45, 197.

51 Address to Congress, 8 Jan. 1918, 45, 537.

52 Mamatey, pp. 261, 309.

53 The Peace of Victory for Which We Strive,” Metropolitan, 46 (07 1917), 24Google Scholar; Mamatey, , The United States and East Central Europe, pp. 156, 162, 308–9Google Scholar.

54 Lansing to Ekengren, 19 Oct. 1918, cited in Walworth, , America's Moment, p. 29Google Scholar.

55 Mayer, , Political Origins of the New Diplomacy, pp. 352–78Google Scholar. See also Mamatey, pp. 172–88.

56 Walter Lippmann, quoted in Steel, Ronald, Walter Lippmann and the American Century (London, 1980), p. 609Google Scholar. For a comparison of the Inquiry Memorandum and the Fourteen Points, see Wilson Papers, 45, 459–539.

57 Mamatey, p. 107.

58 Wilson used this phrase to describe Points 1, 2, 3 and 14 in a message to House on 31 Oct. 1918. See Seymour, , Intimate Papers, 4, p. 188Google Scholar.

59 There is, of course, a vast literature on the peace conference, but for these points, see particularly, Floto, Inga, Colonel House in Paris: A Study of American Policy at the Paris Peace Conference 1919 (Princeton, N.J., 1980), especially pp. 174–77, 243–62Google Scholar, and Kernek, “Woodrow Wilson and National Self-determination Along Italy's Frontier,” especially pp. 248–55.

60 On the controversial matter of Wilson's medical history, see Weinstein, Edwin A., Woodrow Wilson: A Medical and Psychological Biography (Princeton, N.J., 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and George, Juliette, Marmor, Michael F., and George, Alexander L., “Issues in Wilson Scholarship: Reference to Early ‘Strokes’ in the Papers of Woodrow Wilson,” Journal of American History, 70 (03 1984), 845–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

61 Cooper, , The Warrior and the Priest, pp. 22, 24–5, 44–6, 53–6, 185, 265Google Scholar.

62 Ibid., p. 91.

63 Ibid., p. 236.

64 Ibid., pp. 127, 255, 184.

65 Remarks to the Associated Press, 20 April 1915, Wilson Papers, 33, 38.

66 Ibid., p. 39.

67 Ibid., p. 39.

68 Address to the League to Enforce Peace, 27 05, 1916, Wilson Papers, 37, 116Google Scholar; An Appeal to the American People, 15 04 1917, Wilson Papers, 42, 72Google Scholar; Bailey, Thomas A., Woodrow Wilson and the Lost Peace (New York, 1944), p. 109Google Scholar.