Hostname: page-component-84b7d79bbc-2l2gl Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-28T07:24:42.344Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The (Un)Constitutional Appropriation and Expenditure of Public Funds in Nigeria: Analysing the “Security Vote” Paradigm through the Law

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 May 2018

Joy Ngozi Ezeilo*
Affiliation:
University of Nigeria
Uchechukwu Nwoke*
Affiliation:
University of Nigeria
Sylvester Ndubuisi Anya*
Affiliation:
University of Nigeria

Abstract

Security challenges have continued to trouble governments internationally. From the Islamic State terrorists in the Gulf region, to the murderous activities of Boko Haram and “herdsmen” in Nigeria in recent times, it has become imperative for those entrusted with maintaining security to redefine the conditions of national security. In this context, it is now conventional for various governments in Nigeria to appropriate enormous amounts of money in their budgets for “national security” (“tagged security vote”). This article explores the emergence, configuration, constitutionality and abuses of security votes in Nigeria. It also explores the appropriation and expenditure of security funds in the USA and attempts to draw lessons from this jurisdiction. It argues that there is a robust connection between security votes and corruption and, thus, attempts to identify legal structures for preventing the misspending and embezzlement of public funds (security votes) in the country's monetary appropriation and expenditure.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © SOAS, University of London 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

LLB (Nig), BL, LLM (London) PhD (Nig). Professor of law and associate dean, Faculty of Law, University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus, Nigeria.

**

LLB (Nig), BL, LLM (Wales), PhD (Kent). Lecturer, Faculty of Law, University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus, Nigeria.

***

LLB, BL, LLM, PhD (Nig). Lecturer, Faculty of Law, University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus, Nigeria.

References

1 Adebakin, MA and Raimi, LNational security challenges and sustainable economic development: Evidence from Nigeria” (2012) 1/1 Journal of Studies in Social Sciences 1 at 2Google Scholar.

2 Okechukwu, EI and Anyadike, NSecurity challenges and security votes in Nigeria: 2008–2013” (2013) 2/8 Kuwait Chapter of Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review 1 at 25Google Scholar.

3 Ibid.

4 Aikaeli, J and Mlamka, BMilitary expenditure and economic growth in Africa: A cross country study of 48 states” (2011) 4/2 International Journal of Economic Issues 279 at 279–80Google Scholar.

5 Stockholm International Peace Research Institute “US military spending falls, increases in eastern Europe, Middle East, Africa and Asia says SIPRI” (2015), available at: <https://www.sipri.org/media/2015/13-apr-2015-us-military-spending-falls-increases-eastern-europe-middle-east-africa-and-asia-says> (last accessed 4 April 2018). See also “African military spending rose in Africa in 2014: Report” (21 April 2015) Defence Web, available at: <http://www.defenceweb.co.za/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=38874:african-military-spending-rose-in-africa-in-2014--report&catid=7:Industry&Itemid=116> (last accessed 4 April 2018); C McClelland “Angola at peace is sub-Saharan Africa's top defense spender” (12 June 2015) Bloomberg, available at: <https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-06-12/angola-in-peacetime-is-sub-saharan-africa-s-top-defense-spender> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

6 See Stalenheim, P, Fruchart, D, Omitoogun, W and Perdomo, C Military Expenditure: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Yearbook (2006, Oxford University Press) 1 at 295Google Scholar. See also Batchelor, P, Dunne, P and Lamb, GThe demand for military spending in South Africa” (2002) 39/3 Journal of Peace Research 315 at 315CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Defence in a Democracy: White Paper on National Defence for the Republic of South Africa (May 1996), available at: <http://www.dod.mil.za/documents/WhitePaperonDef/whitepaper%20on%20defence1996.pdf> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

7 Aikaeli and Mlamka “Military expenditure”, above at note 4 at 279–80.

8 Ibid.

9 O Ibeanu and A Momoh “State responsiveness to public security needs: The politics of security decision-making: Nigeria country study” (2008, Conflict, Security and Development Group paper 14) 69 at 70.

10 Ibid.

11 Okechukwu and Anyadike “Security challenges”, above at note 2.

12 Wolfers, A‘National security’ as an ambiguous symbol” (1952) 67/4 Political Science Quarterly 481 at 499CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 Carey, RThe contemporary nature of security” in Salom, TC (ed) Issues in International Relations (2000, Routledge) 1 at 52Google Scholar.

14 Quoted in Relyea, HNational security and information” (1987) 4 Government Information Quarterly 11 at 12CrossRefGoogle Scholar (emphasis original).

15 Wolfers “‘National security’”, above at note 12 at 481.

16 O Egbo, I Nwakoby, J Onwumere and C Uche “Security votes in Nigeria: Disguising stealing from the public purse” 111/445 African Affairs 597 at 614.

17 Defence in a Democracy, above at note 6 at 6.

18 Okechukwu and Anyadike “Security challenges”, above at note 2 at 16.

19 Nwangwu, C and Ononogbu, AONational security and sustainable economic development in Nigeria since 1999: Implication for the vision 20:2020” (2014) 4/5 Journal of Educational and Social Research 130 at 132Google Scholar.

20 Odeh, M and Umoh, NState policing and national security in Nigeria” (2015) 6/1 Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 412 at 418Google Scholar.

21 Nnoli, O National Security in Africa: A Radical New Perspective (2006, Snaap Press Ltd) at 13Google Scholar.

22 Al-Mashat, AM National Security in the Third World (1985, Westview Press) at 14Google Scholar.

23 UNDP Human Development Report, 1994 (1994, Oxford University Press) at 229Google Scholar.

24 UNDP Human Development Report, 2002: Deepening Democracy in a Fragmented World (2002, Oxford University Press) at 86Google Scholar.

25 McNamara, R The Essence of Security (1968, Harper and Row) at 149Google Scholar.

26 Idowu, SO Media in Nigeria's Security and Development Vision (1999, Spectrum Books Limited) at 129Google Scholar.

27 Nwozor, ANational security, religious anarchism and the politics of amnesty in Nigeria” (2013) 1/1 Covenant University Journal of Politics and International Affairs 1 at 4Google Scholar.

28 Egbo, O, Nwakoby, I, Onwumere, J and Uche, C Legitimizing Corruption in Government: Security Votes in Nigeria (2010, African Studies Centre) at 14Google Scholar.

29 Moulaye, Z Democratic Governance of Security in Mali: A Sustainable Development Challenge (2006, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung) at 1718Google Scholar.

30 Zabadi, SI Understanding Security and Security Sector Dynamics (2005, John Hopkins University Press) at 3Google Scholar.

31 Ibeanu and Momoh “State responsiveness”, above at note 9 at 69.

32 Egbo et al Legitimizing Corruption, above at note 28 at 4.

33 C Kumolu “Insecurity: What has the security votes [sic] secured?” (15 May 2013) Vanguard, available at: <http://www.vanguardngr.com/2013/05/insecurty-what-has-the-security-votes-secured/> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

34 Dada, JASecurity votes in Nigeria: A desideratum for security or recipe for corruption?” (2015) 5/7 Public Policy and Administration Research 1 at 26Google Scholar.

35 D Iriekpen “Nigeria: Plugging the security vote leakage” (16 October 2012) All Africa, available at: <http://allafrica.com/stories/201210160402.html> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

36 H Relyea “The coming of secret law” (1988) 5 Government Information Quarterly 97 at 116.

37 Reese, S The US Secret Service: History and Missions (2014, Congressional Research Service) at 78Google Scholar.

38 Ibid.

39 Iriekpen “Nigeria”, above at note 35.

40 Ibid.

41 L Fisher Congressional budget and Impoundment Control Act (1974)” (2004) Encyclopedia.com, available at: <http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-3407400062.html> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

42 Cap O3, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria (LFN), 2004.

43 FoI Act, LFN, 2011.

44 K Ajulo “Freedom of Information Act: The challenge of Official Secret [sic] Act” (2011) Logbaby.com, available at: <http://logbaby.com/news/foi-the-challenge-of-official-secret-act_8457.html#.Wsk9OGfISmw> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

45 Again, the provisions of sec 28 of the act are clear on the fact that even a classified document is not exempt from disclosure and, where an official decides not to disclose, that official must give a reason for doing so. Similarly, sec 30(3) of the act defines the meaning of a public institution for the purposes of the act.

46 Ajulo “Freedom of Information Act”, above at note 44.

47 Under sec 11(1) of the FoI Act, disclosure of information may be denied if it will be injurious to the conduct of international affairs and the defence of the country. Nevertheless, this exception is qualified because, under sec 11(2), the act states that “notwithstanding subsection (1), an application for information shall not be denied where the public interest in disclosing the information outweighs whatever injury that disclosure would cause”.

48 Ibid.

49 Freedom of the press, radio, television and other agencies of the mass media.

50 Fundamental right of freedom of expression.

51 Ajulo “Freedom of Information Act”, above at note 44.

52 Ball, NMeasuring third world security expenditure: A research note” (1984) 12/2 World Development 157 at 164CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53 Egbo et al “Security votes in Nigeria”, above at note 16 at 601.

54 Goldberg, DExecutive secrecy, national security and freedom of information in the United Kingdom” (1987) 4/1 Government Information Quarterly 43 at 44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

55 Gibson, DSecrecy: The communication dilemma of CIA” (1987) 13/2 Public Relations Review 27 at 29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56 They may have been employed in a limited form by the military between 1966 and 1979.

57 M Page “Nigeria: Buhari's 2016 budget continues use of secretive ‘security votes’” (15 January 2016) Premium Times, available at: <http://blogs.premiumtimesng.com/2016/01/15/nigeria-buharis-2016-budget-continues-use-of-secretive-security-votes-by-matthew-page/> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

58 Ibid.

59 N Osahon “The evil candidate: General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida” (24 May 2014) African Orbit, available at: <http://africanorbit.com/news/245/the-evil-genius-general-ibrahim-badamosi-babangida.html> (last accessed 10 April 2018).

60 Arinze, PAn examination of corruption in Nigerian economy” (2008) 23 Hemispheres: Studies on Cultures and Societies 61 at 66Google Scholar.

61 A Mähler “Nigeria: A prime example of the resource curse? Revisiting the oil-violence link in the Niger Delta” (German Institute of Global and Area Studies Research Programme: Violence and Security, January 2010), available at: <https://www.ciaonet.org/attachments/15531/uploads> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

62 Egbo et al Legitimizing Corruption, above at note 28 at 20.

63 Quoted in id at 21.

64 See Dada “Security votes in Nigeria”, above at note 34 at 26.

65 Egbo et al Legitimizing Corruption, above at note 28 at 21.

66 “Obasanjo bribed lawmakers to extend tenure, says house leader” (6 August 2010) NextNewspapers, quoted in id at 24.

67N70bn security vote: US bans late Yar'adua's men” (16 July 2010) Vanguard, available at: <https://www.vanguardngr.com/2010/07/n70bn-security-vote-us-bans-late-yaraduas-men/> (last accessed 10 April 2018).

68 A Ademoyo “Dasuki-gate and the looting of Nigeria: Why we must look beyond Buhari” (20 December 2015) Premium Times, available at: <http://blogs.premiumtimesng.com/2015/12/20/dasuki-gate-and-the-looting-of-nigeria-why-nigeria-must-look-beyond-buhari-by-adeolu-ademoyo/> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

69 “Buhari has scrapped security vote to top federal officials” (23 February 2016) SaharaReporters, available at: <http://saharareporters.com/2016/02/23/buhari-has-scrapped-security-vote-top-federal-officials-sources> (last accessed 10 April 2018).

70 Ibid.

71 M Nnebe “Squandering of riches”, cited in Dada “Security votes in Nigeria”, above at note 34 at 26.

72 Ibid.

73 Id at 27.

74 Ibid.

75 S Edeh “Yuguda spent N91bn security vote in 8 years: Bauchi govt” (16 December 2015) Vanguard, available at: <http://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/12/yuguda-spent-n91bn-security-vote-in-8-yrs-bauchi-govt/> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

76 A Abdul-Jelil ‘“Godfatherism’ and Nigeria's fourth republic: Violence and political insecurity in Ibadan”, cited in Egbo et al Legitimizing Corruption, above at note 28 at 28.

77 Egbo et al, id at 24–28.

78 See Achara, RCan Nigerian local government councils autonomously impose rates?” (2003) 47 Journal of African Law 221 at 221CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

79 Human Rights Watch “Chop fine: The human rights impact of local government corruption and mismanagement in Rivers State” (31 January 2007), available at: <https://www.hrw.org/report/2007/01/31/chop-fine/human-rights-impact-local-government-corruption-and-mismanagement-rivers> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

80 Governance Corruption and Conflict (2010, US Institute of Peace) at 4.

81 Ogundiya, ISPolitical corruption in Nigeria: Theoretical perspectives and some explanations” (2009) 11/4 Anthropologist 281 at 292CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

82 Governance, above at note 80.

83 UN Convention Against Corruption (UN Office on Drugs and Crime, 2004), available at: <http://www.unodc.org/documents/treaties/UNCAC/Publications/Convention/08-50026_E.pdf> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

84 BA Garner Black's Law Dictionary (8th ed, 2004, Thomson West) at 371.

85 K Familomi “Political economy of corruption”, quoted in Olorumfemi, JFUnbundling or merger of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the independent Corrupt Practices Commission: Which way” in Nnona, CG (ed) Law, Security and Development: Commemorative Essays of the University of Nigerian Law Faculty (2013, Snaap Press Nigeria Ltd) 205 at 210Google Scholar.

86 Newburn, TUnderstanding and preventing police corruption: Lessons from the literature” (1999) 110 Police Research Series 1 at 6Google Scholar.

87 See also UN Office on Drugs and Crime United Nations Convention against Corruption (2004, UN Publications) at 7.

88 Id at 7–8.

89 D Elombah “Corruption: How the president and governors steal from security votes” (24 December 2010), available at: <https://www.facebook.com/notes/watchdog-nigeria/corruption-how-the-president-and-governors-steal-from-security-votes/115288581893503/> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

90 What usually happens in practice is that a particular amount will be included in the appropriation budget for security issues; however, government officials will expend ten times more than the captured amount and claim that the funds are expended as security vote. They are not questioned as to how they could have spent funds in excess of the approved amount. They are not even questioned as to how they spent even the small amount that was captured in the budget.

91 Akume, A and Godswill, JThe challenge of managing insurgency in Nigeria: 2009–2015” (2016) 7/1 Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 145 at 149Google Scholar.

92 N El Rufai “Budget 2012: The security spending spree” (2 February 2012) SaharaReporters, available at: <http://saharareporters.com/2012/02/02/budget-2012-3-security-spending-spree-nasir-ahmad-el-rufai> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

93 Human Rights Watch “Chop fine”, above at note 79.

94 Alabi, MOA and Fashagba, JYThe legislature and anti-corruption crusade under the fourth republic of Nigeria: Constitutional imperatives and practical realities” (2010) 1/1 International Journal of Politics and Good Governance 1 at 8Google Scholar.

95 Quoted in Dada “Security votes in Nigeria”, above at note 34 at 26.

96 Id at 27.

97 The emphasis here is on promoting the good governance and welfare of all persons in Nigeria (emphasis added).

98 However, it should be noted that the provisions of secs 14(2) and 15 are contained in chap II (fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy), which are apparently rendered “non-justiciable” by the provisions of sec 6(6)(c) of the Constitution.

99 Eme, OI and Ede, HThe politics of intergovernmental relations in Nigeria: Perspectives of the south-east geopolitical zone” in Onu, G, Umezurike, C, Nnabugwu, MB and Nwankwo, OBC (eds) Issues in Politics and Governance in Nigeria (2009, Quintagon) 1 at 12Google Scholar.

100 Nevertheless, it is pertinent to note the provisions of sec 83 of the Constitution. The salient point here is that, although this provision may justify the appropriation of funds for security purposes, this can only be done for urgent and unforeseen needs and expenditure, and not for the “monthly allocation bonanza” executive officers receive in the name of security votes.

101 Eme, O and Onyishi, TAThe legislature and anti-corruption crusade under Nigeria's fourth republic, 1999–2013” (2014) 5/15 Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 28 at 33Google Scholar.

102 This appears to be the case because, in most cases, the legislature works in alliance with the executive arm of government to misappropriate public funds. Alabi and Fashagba report various examples of this collusion between the executive and legislature. See Alabi and Fashagba “The legislature”, above at note 94 at 26–31. The implication of this is that the legislature is rendered incapable of discharging its oversight functions.

103 O Nzeshi “Budget 2012: Paradox of cutting cost of governance” (4 March 2012) Pro-Share, available at: <https://www.proshareng.com/news/Nigeria%20Economy/Budget-2012:-Paradox-of-Cutting-Cost-of-Governance/16495> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

104 E Eyieyien “On the $2 billion arms purchase funds” (5 December 2015) Selah, available at: <http://eghes.blogspot.com.ng/2015/12/on-2billion-arms-purchase-funds.html> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

105 K King “Congress and national security” (2010) 58 Council on Foreign Relations Special Report 1 at 6.

106 E Rosenbach and AJ Peritz “Confrontation or collaboration? Congress and the intelligence community” (2009, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and Harvard Kennedy School), available at: <http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/files/IC-book-finalasof12JUNE.pdf> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

107 O'Connell, AJThe architecture of smart intelligence: Structuring and overseeing agencies in the post-9/11 world” (2006) 94/6 California Law Review 1655 at 1661CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

108 Rosenbach and Peritz “Confrontation”, above at note 106.

109 Ibid.

110 US Senate Committee on Intelligence Report of the Select Committee on Intelligence, United States Senate: Covering the Period January 4, 2007 to January 2, 2009 (9 March 2009), available at: <https://fas.org/irp/congress/2009_rpt/ssci.pdf> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

111 Ibid.

112 King “Congress and national security”, above at note 105 at 13.

113 Ibid.

114 National Commission on Terrorist Attacks The 9/11 Commission Report (2004), available at: <https://9-11commission.gov/report/911Report.pdf> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

115 Ibid.

116 P Towell “Defense: FY2011 authorization and appropriations” (23 November 2010) Congressional Research Service, available at: <https://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R41254.pdf> (last accessed 4 April 2018).

117 The Select Committee on Intelligence United States Senate 103rd Congress (second session) Legislative Oversight of Intelligence Activities: The US Experience Report (1994, US Government Printing Office) at 8.

118 The Constitution, fifth sched, para 1.

119 Ibid.

120 [2016] 2 NWLR (pt 1495) 1 at 59, paras A–C. See also Attorney-General of the Federation v Abubakar [2007] 8 NWLR (pt 1035) 117.

121 The Constitution, sec 308.

122 Cap E1 LFN, 2004.

123 Cap C31 LFN, 2004.

124 The Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Act, secs 5–6 and 8–9.

125 Id, secs 12–13.

126 Id, sec 16.

127 Id, sec 19.

128 Apparently, the anti-corruption agencies are unable to act in this context because they are establishments of the executive arm, which are also the major perpetrators of security vote corruption. It is, therefore, virtually impossible for an appointee of a particular government to prosecute those who appointed him. Again, the functions of these agencies are usually politicized. This emasculates their ability to function effectively.

129 Ologbenla, DKLeadership, governance and corruption in Nigeria” (2007) 9/3 Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa 97 at 108Google Scholar.